Gender, Sexuality, and Syphilis in Early Modern Venice: The Disease that Came to Stay

A Great Pox’s Greatest Feat: Staying Alive

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Cambridge University Press. McGough L Gender, sexuality, and syphilis in early modern sexually transmitted infections. Sex within marriage in the cultural and Venice: The disease that came to stay early modern history: society and social context of the late 15th century put women at great risk of culture. Palgrave Macmillan. Smith CV Syphilis and theories of contagion. John of Gaddesden Rosa Anglica practica medicine a capita ad prostitution the main vector of the disease , encouraged husbands' pedes. There is a lack of first-hand written Balzer F.

Malattie veneree e sifilitiche.

Torino: UTET , Waugh M Daniel Turner : syphillis and the condum. Cammelli A Sonetti faceti. Jovene, Napoli, Saslow J Garymede in the Renaissance. Yale University Press, New awareness that sexual self-control was the primary and most effective Haven and London. Married women were the first to Tannahill R Sex in history.

Stein and Day, New York. Fornaciari G The mummies of the Abbey of Saint Domenico sexual activities of their husbands, at refusing sexual intercourse, and Maggiore in Naples. Paleopathol Newsl: At Lancet 2: Domenico Maggiore in Naples]. Med Secoli State Archive of Mantua, Arch. La corrispondenza Disease in Renaissance Europe.

Accademia Virgiliana, Mantova. Med Hist Giornale storico della 3. Franco Angeli, Milano. Letteratura italiana 5: Robert Laffont, Paris. O'Shea JG 'Two minutes with venus, two years with mercury'-- mercury as an antisyphilitic chemotherapeutic agent. J R Soc Med 5.

In: Muir E, Ruggiero G, editors. Sex and gender in historical perspective. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press; p. Herbert M. Shelton Syphilis: Werewolf of Medicine.

Gender, Sexuality, and Syphilis in Early Modern Venice : The Disease that Came to Stay

Health Research, WA. Fracastoro H Syphilis, sive morbus gallicus. Stefano Nicolini da Published on Aug 1, SlideShare Explore Search You. Submit Search.

The Disease that Came to Stay

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From lullabies to literature stories in the lives of infancts and toddlers. Upcoming SlideShare. Like this document? Why not share! Embed Size px. Secondly, it shows that quarantine, a measure which had been enacted for both leprosy and plague, continued to be perceived as the first, and most effective, way of containing the spread of an epidemic. Clearly there is a continuity in municipal understandings of non-venereal forms of contagion between the two diseases and in the use of quarantine measures against them although there were also differences on this point, as discussed below.

We can also see a correspondence with leprosy; both cities possessed institutions for the isolation of lepers and had also enacted regulations on their movements. However, as seen with religious responses, there are also important differences between the measures taken against both diseases. Firstly, whilst restrictions on trade were imposed in times of plague through the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, no such restrictions ever appear for the pox.

The reason for this likely relates to contagion theories, whilst medical authorities warned against sharing a bed, eating utensils, or clothes with an infected person, they do not seem to have considered the disease quite as aggressively infectious as plague and never warned specifically against traded goods. Plague had a greater potential to disrupt the local economy as goods could not enter or people could not travel to markets elsewhere when plague broke out. Such measures are never seen for plague victims likely because, once infected, victims would become too sick to beg and often died quickly.

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Along with the absence of restrictions on trade, this may also further indicate that the pox was not seen as quite as aggressively contagious as plague. Since outbreak of the Black Death in , European societies had been dealing with recurring plague epidemics.

In an attempt to manage the threat posed by the disease, during the period —62 eleven different cities in northern and central Italy passed legislation to establish isolation hospitals, and eventually the vast majority of Italian cities had established such institutions, often called lazaretti. In Nuremberg, after receiving a bequest from a wealthy citizen, the Sebastianspital was established in the period — to house those afflicted with plague.

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With the arrival of the pox however, the case is reversed. What was it that prompted the rapid development of institutions and spaces for the poxed in Germany? And why did the Italian cities, pioneers of plague hospitals, lag so far behind? Is it possible that the German cities had learned from their slow development of plague hospitals?

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It is possible to suggest that the Italian Incurabili took longer to develop as they were not established by the city governments but rather by independent confraternities, such as the federation of the Companies of Divine Love. What is clear however, is that the history of European medical institutions for the treatment of epidemics and contagious diseases, is far from teleological and does not progress in a neat narrative of continual development from the medieval to early modern period.

In Frankfurt and Nuremberg we see a turning point in the latter years of the fifteenth century, with the development of the pox and plague institutions. Yet this is not a model that neatly fits across Europe.

Moreover, my recent research, particularly in Nuremberg, has shown that the pox institutions were far from stable fixtures. Plague and pox were not exclusively problematic; they also provided city authorities with the opportunity to exert and increase their social power. A persistent issue throughout plague epidemics, and with the arrival and endemic spread of the pox was how to deal with the sick poor.

In Frankfurt and Nuremberg itinerant poor, individuals not originally from these cities, with either disease were forbidden from entering, and, following the arrival of the pox, it was ordered that any non-native beggars found within the walls were to be expelled. Finally, if using the French pox alone we were to seek a boundary between historical epochs, then we may have to look much further forward than Until the late seventeenth century these records persist in referring to the disease by its early names, morbo gallico and Franzosenkrankheit , and it is only during the final twenty years of the century that the term Lues Venera the venereal disease also begins to appear in admission decisions and municipal records.

Often, indeed, the old and the new terms appear together in the one document. But even then, we cannot say that this marks a consistent movement from one period to another. In the medical literature published on the disease, the shift takes place much earlier, with many authors utilising the term Lues Venera during the early s. There are considerable continuities, and also changes between these periods. I was very grateful to be given the opportunity to present this paper because the theme of the workshop led me to reflect on how the histories of medical theory and urban responses to disease can be used to explore and reflect on the imposition of the year as a boundary between the medieval and early modern periods.

Between these periods, between plague and pox, there are significant continuities. This is seen particularly with the attribution of the ultimate cause of disease to God and sin and also the persistence of non-venereal contagion theories, founded in Galenic-Hippocratic medical thinking, and the centrality of the quarantine measures that these provoked.

Yet, around we do also see important changes in Frankfurt and Nuremberg, most importantly their swift establishment of pox institutions.

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