The Essential Marcuse: Selected Writings of Philosopher and Social Critic Herbert Marcuse

The Spectre of Liberation and its Failure to Materialize: On Marcuse's Critique of Utopian Thinking
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Political critique. Marxism, existentialism, and psychoanalysis. Philosophical critique. Philosophical interlude The affirmative character of culture Nature and revolution. Notes Includes bibliographical references.

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Login to add to list. Be the first to add this to a list. After this period, only few devoted supporters remained faithful to the project of the School. In , however, the Institute was officially invited to join Goethe University Frankfurt. Upon return to West Germany, Horkheimer presented his inaugural speech for the reopening of the institute on 14 November One week later he inaugurated the academic year as a new Rector of the University.

Yet, what was once a lively intellectual community became soon a small team of very busy people.

Horkheimer was involved in the administration of the university, whereas Adorno was constantly occupied with different projects and teaching duties. In addition, in order to keep US citizenship, Adorno had to go back to California where he earned his living by conducting qualitative research analysis. Marcuse remained in the United States and was offered a full position at Brandeis University. Adorno returned to Germany in August and was soon involved again in empirical research, combining quantitative and qualitative methods in the analysis of industrial relations for the Mannesmann Company.

In , he took over Horkheimer position as director of the Institute for Social Research, and on 1 July he was appointed full professor in philosophy and sociology. Some of his significant works in this area included Philosophy of Modern Music and later Vers une Musique Informelle. These events marked the precise intellectual phase of maturity reached at that time by the Frankfurt School.

While Marcuse, quite ostensibly, sponsored the student upheavals, Adorno maintained a much moderate and skeptical profile. He was soon involved in an empirical study titled Students and Politics. The text, though, was rejected by Horkheimer and it did not come out, as it should have, in the series of the Frankfurt Contributions to Sociology. Only later, in , it appeared in the series Sociological Texts see Wiggershaus , p.

Habermas obtained his Habilitation under the supervision of Abendroth at Marburg, where he addressed the topic of the bourgeois formation of public sphere. This study was published by Habermas in under the title of The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere , just before he handed in his Habilitation.

With the support of Gadamer he was, then, appointed professor at Heidelberg. Besides his achievements, both in academia and as an activist, the young Habermas contributed towards the construction of a critical self-awareness of the socialist student groups around the country the so-called SDS, Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund. It was in this context that Habermas reacted to the extremism of Rudi Dutschke, the radical leader of the students' association who criticized him for defending a non-effective emancipatory view.

Discussions of the notion of emancipation had been at the center of the Frankfurt School political debate since the beginning. The concept of emancipation Befreiung in German , covers indeed a wide semantic spectrum. The notion spans, therefore, from a sense related to action-transformation to include also revolutionary action.

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He returned there only in after having completed The Theory of Communicative Action. The assumption was that language itself embedded a normative force capable of realizing action co-ordination within society. Social action whose coordination-function relies on the same pragmatic presuppositions was seen as connected to a justification discourse based on the satisfaction of specific validity-claims.

17. The Frankfurt School of Critical Theory

Habermas described discourse theory as relying on three types of validity-claims raised by communicative action. He claimed that it was only when the conditions of truth, rightness and sincerity were raised by speech-acts that social coordination could be obtained. As noticed in the opening sections, differently from the first generation of Frankfurt School intellectuals, Habermas contributed greatly to bridging the continental and analytical traditions, integrating aspects belonging to American Pragmatism, Anthropology and Semiotics with Marxism and Critical Social Theory.

This inaugurated a new phase of research in Critical Theory. Honneth, indeed, revisited the Hegelian notion of recognition Anerkennung in terms of a new prolific paradigm in social and political enquiry. Honneth began his collaboration with Habermas in , when he was hired as an assistant professor.

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This work represents a mature expansion of what was partially addressed in his dissertation, a work published under the title of Critique of Power: Stages of Reflection of a Critical Social Theory []. One of the core themes addressed by Honneth consisted in the claim that, contrary to what Critical Theory initially emphasized, more attention should have been paid to the notion of conflict in society and among societal groups.

Conflict represents the internal movement of historical advancement and human emancipation, falling therefore within the core theme of critical social theory. This fight represents a subjective negative experience of domination—a form of domination attached to misrecognitions. To come to terms with negations of subjective forms of self-realization means to be able to transform social reality. Normatively, though, acts of social struggle activated by forms of misrecognition point to the role that recognition plays as a crucial criterion for grounding intersubjectivity.

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Honneth inaugurated a new research phase in Critical Theory. Indeed, his communitarian turn has been paralleled by the work of some of his fellow scholars. Brunkhorst, for instance, in his Solidarity: From Civic Friendship to a Global Legal Community [] , canvasses a line of thought springing from the French Revolution of to contemporary times: the notion of fraternity.

By the use of historical conceptual reconstruction and normative speculation, Brunkhorst presented the pathologies of the contemporary globalized world and the function that solidarity would play. The confrontation with American debate, initiated systematically by the work of Habermas, became soon an obsolete issue in the third generation of critical theorists—not only because the group was truly international, merging European and American scholars. The work of Forst testifies, indeed, of the synthesis between analytical methodological rigor and classical themes of the Frankfurt School.

A primary broad distinction that Horkheimer drew was that of the difference in method between social theories, scientific theories and critical social theories. While the first two categories had been treated as instances of traditional theories, the latter connoted the methodology the Frankfurt School adopted. Traditional theory, whether deductive or analytical, has always focused on coherency and on the strict distinction between theory and praxis. Along Cartesian lines, knowledge has been treated as grounded upon self-evident propositions or, at least, upon propositions based on self-evident truths.

Accordingly, traditional theory has proceeded to explain facts by application of universal laws, that is, by subsumption of a particular to a universal in order to either confirm or disconfirm this. A verificationist procedure of this kind was what positivism considered to be the best explicatory account for the notion of praxis in scientific investigation. If one were to defend the view according to which scientific truths should pass the test of empirical confirmation, then one would commit oneself to the idea of an objective world.

Knowledge would be simply a mirror of reality. This view is firmly rejected by critical theorists. This implies that the condition of truth and falsehood presupposes an objective structure of the world. If traditional theory is evaluated by considering its practical implications, then no practical consequences can be actually inferred. Indeed, the finality of knowledge as a mirror of reality is mainly a theoretically-oriented tool aimed at separating knowledge from action, speculation from social transformative enterprise.

In the light of such finalities, knowledge becomes social criticism and the latter translates itself into social action, that is, into the transformation of reality. Critical Theory, indeed, has expanded Marxian criticisms of capitalist society by formulating patterns of social emancipatory strategies. Whereas Hegel found that Rationality had finally come to terms with Reality with the birth of the modern nation state which in his eyes was the Prussian state , Marx insisted on the necessity of reading the development of rationality through history in terms of a class struggle.

The final stage of this struggle would have seen the political and economic empowerment of the proletariat.