Reading Television (New Accents (Routledge (Firm)).)

Download Reading Television (New Accents (Routledge (Firm)).)

---

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online Reading Television (New Accents (Routledge (Firm)).) file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with Reading Television (New Accents (Routledge (Firm)).) book. Happy reading Reading Television (New Accents (Routledge (Firm)).) Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF Reading Television (New Accents (Routledge (Firm)).) at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF Reading Television (New Accents (Routledge (Firm)).) Pocket Guide.

Get A Copy. Hardcover , pages.

Recommended For You

More Details Original Title. Friend Reviews. To see what your friends thought of this book, please sign up. To ask other readers questions about Telling Stories , please sign up. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Rating details.

Get A Copy

All Languages. More filters. Sort order. This thread can be summarised by the following diagram: The evolution of pidgin languages In situations in which two speech communities come into prolonged contact, a lingua franca common language usually develops. This can take one of four forms: a contact language; an auxiliary language; an international language; or a trade language. Ancient Greek around the Mediterranean basin, or later Latin throughout the Roman Empire, were both contact languages. Latin, for example, later developed many local dialectal forms which eventually became French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and so on.

The contact language usually dominates in situations in which the speakers of that language have military or economic power over other language users. By contrast, a trade language such as Swahili on the east coast of Africa often indicates a more equal relationship. This coastal Swahili is only used in commercial contexts, whereas further west into the interior of Africa, Reconstructed Swahili serves as a fully-functional language, and consequently is much more developed in complexity.

Where a language is functioning as a trade language, usually only the lexcicogrammatical patterns associated with commerce, negotiation, finance and exchange are fully realised and practised. An international language, such as English, is often used as a neutral form, as in India after independence in Indian English did not privilege any of the native- speaker communities, and also gave India a linguistic access to the western world. More recently, English has ridden on the back of American economic and political influence.

In fact, English is so widely spoken and has such global dominance that it can even be regarded as a separate category of language in its own right. Such Englishes for Special Purposes ESP tend to have a highly restricted and technical vocabulary, and exist in a frozen, regulated form. It would be highly danger- ous, for example, for airline pilots suddenly to develop dialectal innovation in their expressions while requesting permission to land!

When the contact between groups of people is prolonged, a hybrid language can develop known as a pidgin. These tend to occur in situations where one language dominates, and there are two or more other languages at hand. Elements of the syntax and lexis of each language are simplified and combined as speakers struggle to make themselves understood by accommodating towards each speech community; one language the lexifier tends to provide most of the words in the new pidgin.

Nevertheless, pidgin languages tend to be restricted in vocabulary, are usually syntactically simple, and have a limited range of functions trade, local com- merce, marriage negotiations, land disputes, for example. Anyone who uses the pidgin will always have their own native vernacular language, and will switch into the pidgin only when necessary.

Pidgins tend to be found in coastal areas, generally around the equatorial belt in former colonial locations, and have arisen typically in times of imperialism, slavery, plantation-labour migration, war and refugee situations, and around trading ports.

Around a quarter of all pidgins and creoles have English as an element. Creolisation A pidgin becomes a creole as soon as it is learnt as the first language of a new generation. In these circumstances, pidgins rapidly develop a wider range of phonemes, a larger vocabulary, more complex syntax and a greater range of stylistic options to the point at which the creole can be used in every context and to express every requirement of the speaker.

However, not every pidgin becomes a creole, and sometimes a pidgin and a creole can co-exist in urban and rural locations. Creoles can develop into fully-fledged languages in their own right, like Afrikaans, with little interference from either the European parent Dutch or local African Bantu languages.

However, many English-based creoles come under pressure from locally-powerful English-speaking standards America, Australia, or British textbooks. In these circumstances, a post-creole speech continuum can develop. As described in unit A9 below, the acrolect can evolve into a New English, such as Singlish or Jamaican English, for example. Unless language loyalty or covert prestige sustains it, the creole can disappear and eventually lose all its speakers and die. From the Renaissance to the eighteenth century it was spread by the English navy and emigrants to north America and Australasia.

At the height of the British Empire in the nineteenth century, English became the administrative language of large parts of Africa, the Indian subcontinent, and strategic trading outposts like Hong Kong and Singapore. The number of extraterritorial English speakers means that the language no longer belongs to any one nation, and that we must speak not of English but of Englishes.

The characteristic accents and standardised dialects of these areas derive from the time at which the main settlement from Britain occurred, and they are all founded on southern British speech variants. North American speech derives from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and shows an especial East Anglian influence.

Australasian accents come mainly from the south-east of England and London in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries — at which time parts of South Africa were also settled. The rest of the Commonwealth across Africa, India and South-east Asia takes its English norms from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Caribbean accents derive from the west African origins of slave ancestors. Later local variations entered as a result of later settlement and evolution.

For example, the influx of eastern European refugees, Irish and Jews from famine and war in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries gave the arrival point of New York its characteristic accent. Historically, the population of English L1 speakers has been larger than the number of English L2 users in the world, with a shift of influence to the USA over the twentieth century. English in these areas co-exists with many other indigenous languages. Inevit- ably, there is interference between the codes, with lexical copying and grammatical structures repositioning the English variety.

The Indianisation of English is also a global force. Written Indian English uses many features which would be considered very polite, formal or conservative in a British or American setting. However, social negotiation also has an individual, micro-sociolinguistic aspect. All languages have a range of features available that encode very subtle social and individual relationships, and many areas of sociolinguistics are concerned with encoding power. This suggests perhaps that power is a super-determinant in sociolinguistics. In other languages, speakers are aware of the choice to be made: French signals it with the verbs vousvoyer and tutoyer; German with duzen and siezen and a little ceremony to mark the shift in the relationship.

Speakers have the choice of:! There are cultural variations within this, of course.

French and Italian speakers are more likely to use T to friends than Germans, but Germans are more likely than them to use T to distant relatives. Norwegian schoolchildren can use T to teachers, but German and Dutch tend not to do so. Male Italian students are likely to use T to female students, but then in general Italians use more T than French or Germans.

Library Hub Discover

One influential model of politeness Brown and Levinson is based on the notion of face. This is the social role that you present to the world. Negative face is your desire to be unimpeded in your actions; positive face is your desire for identifi- cation with the community. Any chance of borrowing yours? Mismatching the expected norm will be seen as rudeness, over-familiarity, aggression, or over-formality, obsequiousness or sarcasm.

Of course, you always have the option of just asking, plainly and baldly, without any redressive politeness, for the thing you want, but usually only those with either extreme power or extreme intimacy can get away with this. Accommodation All of these linguistic facilities are available for social negotiation.

Participants also evolve their strategies and choices in the process of interaction. The most interesting is the phenomenon of accommodation, in which participants converge their speech styles. For example, in mixed sex conversations, men and women tend to use fewer features of their genderlects and tend to move towards a common norm.

In Britain, however, men tend to accommodate more towards women, whereas in the US, women tend to move further towards the male norm. Just about every conversation anyone ever has exhibits some element of accom- modation at this interpersonal level the term also encompasses wilful or resistant accommodation which is manifested as divergence in accent or register mirroring. There is obviously a power dimension to take into account with interpersonal accommodation, with the most powerful individual likely to be the focus of any convergence.

Such interpersonal accommodation tends to be temporary. Such dialect contact can be a factor in language change. The unit of analysis in other linguistic disciplines such as syntax or semantics is usually taken to be the clause; in socio- linguistics, the organising unit of conversation is the turn.

Some cultures North American Indian, Japanese, and even Quaker communities in Britain regard long pauses in conversation as normal and polite. In other cultures, silence can be taken as hostile, rude or submissive. In British, American and Australian English, for example, conversations often consist of pairs of turns in which a direct question or elicitation is expected to be answered immediately by a response turn.

Such an elicitation-response pattern is known as an adjacency pair, and the pair is rarely divided by a long pause. Since conversation even argumentative or obstructive speech is organised to produce conventional responses in the interlocutor, it can be said to be charac- terised by recipient design.

Here, for example, is a real example from one of my more obstructive friends: A: What time is it? B: What? B: Sure. A: Thanks. This sequence was followed by another initiated by B: B: What do I do? B: OK. In real conversations, however, patterns are often more complex.

Here is the example given in full: A: Can you give me a hand? Any chance of a hand here? C: Yeah, be there in a minute. Can you?

• Posthuman Bodies
• Slaughterhouse 90210
• Inorganic Nanoarchitectures by Organic Self-Assembly
• Financial Breakthrough
• Englishness and Empire 1939-1965