Dissent and cultural resistance in Asias cities
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This book documents urban experiences of dissent and emergent resistance against disjunctive global and local capital, technology and labour flows that converge and intersect in some of Asia's fastest growing cities. Rather than constructing occupants of the city as simply passive victims of globalisation or urbanisation, it presents ways in which people are using everyday strategies embedded in cultural practice to challenge dominant socio-economic and political forces impacting on urban space.
Taking the city as a site of contestation and a stage where social conflicts are played out, the book highlights the connections between urban power and dissent; the nature and impact of resistance; how the spatiality and built environment of the city generates conflict and, conversely, how protagonists use the cityscape to stage their everyday and public dissent. The contributors explore the conditions, strategies, and outcomes of such dissent and forms of cultural resistance, and explore the following themes:the impact of urban development, gentrification and ghetto-isation;urban counter narratives and the re-imagining of city spaces; the role of grassroots activism and social movements; cultural resistance in the creation of neighbourhoods and communities;the impact of gender, class and the politics of identity on forms of dissent;the formation of transgressive spaces.
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Seller Inventory n. About this Item: Condition: New. This is Brand New. Seller Inventory Manohar Our understanding of loitering in public space is based on the right of each individual, irrespective of their group affiliations, to take pleasure in the city as an act of claim and belonging. This is, however, not a notion that is located in a crude understanding of capitalism where each individual maximizes her pleasure in the city leading to the greater pleasure of society. Loitering is an act that could be solitary or in groups.
At no point do we perceive the individual as divorced from her multiple locations and identities. When we ask to loiter then, the intent is to rehabilitate this act of hanging out with- out purpose not just for women, but for all marginal groups. The celebration of loi- tering envisages an inclusive city where people have a right to city public spaces, creating the possibility for all to stake a claim not just to the property they own, nor to use the ownership of property as grounds for being more equal citizens, but to claim undifferentiated rights to public space.
This is the potential we see when we seek to reclaim the act of loitering as an act of the most basic citizenship. Here, we not only see citizenship as being linked to cities rather than nations Holston and Appadurai but also understand it, not as an a priori position sanctioned by the state or collective agreement, but as a space to Shilpa Phadke etal.
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This enactment of citizenship through loitering is further premised on the quest for pleasure, which, as suggested earlier, has the potential of being both non-divisive and inclusive. It is only when the city belongs to everyone that it can ever belong to all women. The unconditional claim to public space will only be possible when all women and all men can walk the streets without being compelled to demonstrate purpose or respectability, for women's access to public space is fundamentally linked to the access of all citizens.
Equally crucially, we feel the litmus test of this right to pub- lic space is the right to loiter, especially for women across classes. Loiter without purpose and meaning. Loiter without being asked what time of the day it was, why we were there, what we were wearing and whom we were with. For more information on the project, please see www. Very special thanks to Rahul Sri vastava for his sustained and multi-layered engagement with our work.
We would also like to thank Abhay Sardesai and Amit Rai for their thoughtful comments on a draft of this article. Notes 1 Responses to the online blog campaign 'I Wish. I Want. I Believe' February run by the Blank Noise project, which campaigns against sexual harassment on Indian streets. Fora discussion on Mumbai's history see Dossal Dwivedi and Mehrotra D'Monte Menon and Adarkar Chandavarkar , Hansen , Masselos , Robinson and others. For an account of how the vilification of Muslims impacts Muslim women's access to public space, see Khan In February These attacks continued for several days in Mumbai and also spread to other towns in Maharashtra.
In April , Raj Thackeray asked industrialists in Maharashtra to reserve 80 per cent of jobs in their factories and offices for bhoomiputras or sons of the soil. Earlier in January Shiv Sena leader Bal Radical possibilities for gendered dissent Thackeray in a long interview to his party's newspaper. Saamna, had also raised the issue of a 'permit system' for all outsiders to live and work in Mumbai. Wilson , Donald Massey Wolff Couples daring to cross these boundaries are hounded, haras- sed and even killed.
In April Not only their families but the larger community were up in arms.
The local Sindhi Panchayat came out with a code of conduct for Sindhi girls Priyanka was Sindhi including a list of instructions for parents to 'keep their daughters in check' such as curbing their use of mobile phones and two-wheelers. Rahman's dead body was found beside the Patipukur railway tracks in Kolkata on September 21, Todi's wealthy father has been booked as the prime accused in the case for allegedly organizing the killing of his lower-middle class Muslim son-in-law. See Chakrabarty for a discussion of one such disappearing practice, the adda in Calcutta.
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Sindhoor is the red vermillion powder smeared in the parting of one's hair, mangalsutra is the necklace of black and gold beads, and chooda refers to the red and white bangles worn on the arms. Butler Young Rose Walkowitz Wilson , As recently as , the govern- ment proposed an amendment to this Act which would provide flexibility in the employ- ment of women during night-shifts. This was done largely in response to the needs of new globally linked businesses like the software industry and call-centres.
Domosh and Seager McRobbie Morris Wilson For a discussion of sex- work and its implications for public space, see Nord , Walkowitz , Wilson There has been a visible increase in the policing of couples in parks and on prom- enades in Mumbai. Couples are often censured for holding hands, and ostensibly threat- ening the moral fibre of Indian society.
Some years ago in the Five Gardens area of Dadar, all park benches were made into single-seaters by the local corporation to dis- courage couples from engaging in what he termed as 'indecent behaviour'. The feminist critique of rights as being individualistic, reifying liberalism and often reflecting existing hierarchies of all kinds and thus limiting the terms of the debate, is both valid and valuable.
At the same time, the language of rights is also a Shilpa Phadke et al.
In this article, we use the terminology of rights largely because of the absence of another way of expressing the entitlement of people to loiter. The language of rights, because of its widespread acceptance, offers a space, however inadequate, to make this claim.
For instance, some women in Baiganwadi, a slum in North-east Mumbai, pointed out that their own street was both a familiar and safe space but they still had to behave themselves.
The road out- side the slum was an intermediate space where they might be recognized, a space many of them described as threatening. Further beyond in the city was the space where they were anonymous, where they often felt the greatest degree of freedom.
The course also challenges students to integrate cinema history into other fields such as social history, geography and economics. Among others, we will look into socialism, liberalism, conservatism, and nationalism; the various debates we will study address the nature of Chinese modernity and its economic, political, and cultural tenets. Their timely intervention helped to successfully skirt the regulation, and their calculated negotiations played a crucial role in reproducing the illegibility encasing khwaja siras. Andrew Jones. In turn, these modified environments have shaped the course of human history. A Uighur woman in her 20s who asked to be identified only by her surname, Gul, said she came under scrutiny after wearing an Islamic head wrap and reading books about religion and Uighur history. Beyond Borders.
While anonymity does allow them to be in public space it does little to address the fact that each time they or women elsewhere in the city go out, particularly at night, the masquerade has to begin anew. Furthermore, for women, being intimately part of a homogenous community group often results in greater surveillance and restriction of their movements Khan Phadke Our research suggests that women living in neighbourhoods peo- pled by their own communities often felt the most restricted while those women who W ere individual migrants from other towns and cities felt the greatest degree of freedom.
This is interesting considering that women living on their own in the city have the least access to support structures that would enable them to produce safety for themselves. Our mapping of spaces demonstrated clearly that the number of women in one of the city's few business districts, Nariman Point, drops substantially before and after work hours as compared to other mixed-use areas like Chembur and Kalachowki. These often tend to focus on 'beautifying' their neighbourhoods by getting rid of hawkers or slum encroachments.
Being a citizen, then is not the occupation of a universal or institutionalized position but is a performance. Ainley, Rosa introduction' in Rosa Ainley ed. London, pp. Anjaria, Jonathan S. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.
Why Loiter Essay in Dissent and Cultural Resistance in Asias Cities
Radical possibilities for gendered dissent Appadurai. Women Unlimited. New Delhi. Belknap Press. Sharit K. Economic and Political Weekly. Environment and Urbanization, Vol.
Dipesh "Adda. Calcutta: Dwelling in Modernity". Public Culture.
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