The Oxford Handbook of Transnational Feminist Movements
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Contents:
Within gender and conflict scholarship, different feminist accounts on anti-militarisation are also obscured in the Security Council resolutions on women, peace, and security.
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For feminist dialogues on international law to develop beyond contemporary gender law reforms these tensions must be surfaced and the focus on feminist dialogues approached as integral to feminist epistemologies. Throughout the book I argue that resurfacing the tensions within feminist dialogues is a method towards undoing the co-optation that results from the suppression of difference and aids the development of transformative feminist methodologies.
I also examine how the US-centric focus of the debates on gender law reform in international law leaves off the transnational feminist histories that have agitated for change to global governance. Tripp defines transnational feminism as recognising that. In spite of the common perception that feminism originated in the West and diffused to the rest of the world … the influences have been historically multidirectional and a product of transnational mutual learning and sharing. The histories of transnational feminist organising have not translated well into international legal accounts of gender law reform and are often absent from accounts of how gender law reform within international law happens.
Seeing this work is often difficult, as the priorities of transnational feminist actors are often focused on local injustices that both benefit and suffer from the attention of gender law reforms within global governance. To incorporate this knowledge into the text I theorise plural subjectivities as a mechanism that draws out transnational legal feminisms. This draws towards a theorisation of difference as that which constitutes the human condition while also functioning as a normative claim that feminist legal approaches bring to international law.
When I articulate a desire for structural bias feminisms I am thinking about the deep structures of law as designed through a series of biases that require rethinking in terms of knowledge production.
The feminist knowledge I analyse as a means to think differently about law always regards gender as co-opted into power relations and thus cannot be examined in isolation from other powerful social markers—or histories. I develop this p. The amenability of gender law reform to the embedded structures of international law seems inevitable in the absence of feminist work on listening to how Western and elite women and feminist actors are seen from the peripheries. One thing would be to acknowledge what becomes absent in us when we absent or disappear her particularity from our collective histories, current realities, future potentialities.
Another requirement would involve development of our courage to acknowledge the harm done her, historically and in the here and now, by utilising the resources we have in the archive in the interests of practising presencing. Until this challenge is addressed, the subject position middle-class white woman will remain the central site of dominance.
I pay particular attention to Black British feminisms and indigenous Australian feminisms as forming disruptive dialogues that interrupt the possibility of gender law reform within international law and the fantasy of feminist futures. Black British feminisms and indigenous Australian voices speak specifically to the conditions of my own privilege and thus are given specific prominence; however, they are also representative of the ushering in of difference theorised in the text via plural subjectivities as methodology.
Likewise, I acknowledge queer approaches to international law and crip theories as important interruptions to existing gender law reform dialogues with a specific attention to this knowledge in chapter 5. I regard these as not dialogues for Western feminist appropriation but as interwoven into understanding gender and thus needing to be listened to, learnt from, and articulated as central to a feminist account of gender.
In chapter 5 I use queer and crip interruptions as mechanisms to think about how feminist dialogues might approach gender law reform differently. For Otto such a methodology stems from queer curiosity:. Queer curiosity brings to the mix of emancipatory improper curiosities, and the critical analysis they foster, a particular concern with conventions of sexuality and the part they play in signifying hierarchical relations of power—not only in their attachment to material bodies, but to structures of understanding that constitute the norms and practices of international law.
Otto recognises the feminist nexus to queer projects alongside the unease between some modes of feminist theorising and queer projects. Neoliberalism requires the regulation of sexuality to ensure a healthy and re productive workforce, built on the foundation of the stable, nuclear family. There are close connections between the workings of heteronormativity and able-bodied hegemony under neoliberalism, where the body becomes a site for self-regulation and self-correction to align with these neoliberal imperatives.
Holding a range of different disciplinary approaches in mind, while centring international legal possibilities, has been the challenge of the book. In addition, writing a theory of listening demands a different type of analysis than the forms and conventions which academic writing dictates. This is an attempt to resist settling at the moment of critique to consciously propose alternative ways of imagining gender law reform; while also avoiding closure on the tilting and the shifting, on the changing light and colours. I hope that the book opens up dialogues and possibilities to disrupt a sense of satisfaction with gender law reform as it is, while still acknowledging the varied feminist spaces that created those reforms.
Recognition of how gender law reform has been incorporated into institutional developments is an important aspect of the argument presented in this book, examined in chapters 2 and 3. This is the conversation, with all the implicit tensions, that I explore throughout the book.
There has been a shift towards gender law reform within international law. The institutional outcomes of this action, however, are often best described as reflecting a narrow range of feminist approaches. In the following subsections I briefly introduce feminist successes within international institutions, the resistant feminist tensions, and begin to elaborate the threads and stories that future feminist dialogues might listen to.
International criminal law and the Security Council women, peace, and security agenda are two key sites where feminist interventions have had legal implications. One specific outcome of these dialogues has been the appointment of gender experts as a form of gender law reform.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data. The Oxford handbook of transnational feminist movements / [edited by]. Rawwida Baksh. The Oxford Handbook of Transnational Feminist Movements: Knowledge, Power and Social Change sets out the contributions made by transnational feminist.
The presence and influence of transnational feminist voices in the history of international law challenges dominant scholarship on global governance to listen to alternative accounts and to theorise both the silences and the actions. These initiatives commenced in the global south and were later taken up as feminist projects in the global north. Second, the flow of knowledge across transnational feminist networks is multi-directional, reacting to the international, enacted at the local, yet travelling across regions.
Third, unlike gender law reform within international law, which seems to reproduce specific sexed and gendered tropes, transnational feminist knowledge adapts as it travels via the process of translation to local contexts. I am interested in how these features might form the epistemology for future feminist engagements with international law, as a template for re-imagining knowledge and law.
Furthermore, I argue that to embark on dialogues prompted by transnational feminist histories incorporates a response to legal pluralism that is relevant to future international legal strategies. This understanding influences my conclusions in chapter 3 , in the analysis of fragmentation, where I argue for an epistemological shift towards feminist knowledge of plural subjectivities.
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In terms of specific legal outcomes, gender law reform within international law emerges primarily in human rights, international criminal law, and collective p. I come back to each of these areas of gender law reform within international law across the book, attending to the types of law produced. Feminist engagement with international law emerged in the early twentieth century, a form of transnational feminism that attracted the existing suffrage networks to work towards articulating feminist peace projects.
In chapter 4 , I enlarge the analysis of gender and imperialism through the study of sovereignty. I argue that a rethinking of state sovereignty through attention to the gender of colonial histories and the relational p. The general failure to engage the limitations of rights as a tool for change is returned to in chapter 4 when I examine the Human Rights Council through the lens of feminist dialogues on international law. Within international criminal law the impact of gender law reforms is well documented, influencing the categories of crimes in the Rome Statute, the jurisprudence of the ad hoc tribunals, and the selection processes for those who people the International Criminal Court.
The carceral model developed within international criminal law has also attracted significant criticism from feminist scholars. The women, peace, and security resolutions work through four pillars—participation, prevention, protection, and relief and recovery—with each resolution often emphasising different aspects of the agenda, while consolidating and repeating some aspects and incorporating an interesting corpus of gender law reform within the work of the Security Council.
Despite their status as non-binding law, the women, peace, and security resolutions have had a substantial impact on gender law reform within global governance, influencing institutional and state approaches to gender. Throughout the book I raise discussion on these three areas of law, international criminal law, international human rights law and collective security, via the gender law reform that has occurred within these spaces. My primary agenda is not only to present a critique of existing gender law reforms within global governance but to engage the knowledge that they build on, so as to commence a dialogue about the knowledge produced via these reforms.
To think about feminist knowledge projects, I argue there is a need to surface the tensions that are often ignored in the turn to institutions.
In examining feminist tensions, I seek to move beyond a feminist commitment to gender law reform as it is currently articulated and to build on dialogues that ask about the foundational structures of law. In doing so I call for dialogue on structural bias feminisms that consciously shift away from the organisation around sex difference to ask about feminist methodologies as structural tools geared towards using the insight of intersectionality approaches to rethink strategies for gender law reform.
This is informed by an understanding of sex, gender, and sexuality as fluid: across lifetimes, within communities, and across communities. In contrast, gender law reform, as it currently exists whether in international criminal law, collective security, or human rights laws has drawn on a notion of gender that is binary p.
Holding sexuality, gender, race, histories of colonialism, economic harms, and ableism present in the configurations of feminist methodologies is a fairly difficult task; as such, rather than pursuing answers this book examines where dialogues might evolve. In articulating intersectionality as a process for building structural bias epistemologies it is hoped that plural subjectivities articulate means for additional voices to continue to shape feminist accounts of law.
Third world environmental justice. Carby, H. The normalizing strategy of a cultural psychology analysis proposes that maintenance-oriented forms of relationship are not necessarily manifestations of pathology; instead, they constitute viable paths to human welfare that embody important insights about human experience. Oxford Handbook of Psychiatry David Semple. Shweder, R. Journal of Health Psychology, 12 , The transformation of intimacy: Sexuality, love, and eroticism in modern societies.
Hope, however, can be a weak tool. It is important to also account for the normalising of bodies in some gender spaces, constructing the conditions for how bodies are read and understood.
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By way of example, despite the disabling and maiming of bodies as a significant outcome of armed conflict, alongside the large corpus of feminist scholarship on international law attending to issues related to conflict and post-conflict, the silence on the production of able-bodiedness within feminist dialogues is quite powerful and once registered, the rethinking of feminist legal knowledge is inevitable.
In this section I further elaborate the approach to tensions that I argue need to surface in feminist dialogues on international law. I develop an account of three specific tensions that appear to have been glossed over in international legal scholarship: essentialism, imperialism, and materiality. With a commitment to feminist dialogues, I hope that through articulating these tensions apertures for further conversations are opened—as these are hardly the only tensions within feminist approaches and gender law reform.
The first tension, essentialism, is insufficiently recognised in approaches to gender law reform and risks the reproduction of gendered tropes, rather than their disruption.
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This leaves unchallenged the assertion of a gender binary which is explicitly relied on by some scholars as a mechanism to silence trans women. Feminist scholarship on international law must be engaged in conversation with critical race, postcolonial, crip, and queer epistemologies to disrupt the production of gender law reform that essentialises a female subject as the subject of feminism. The second tension I discuss is the legacy of imperialism within international law and the co-optation of gender projects to obscure the imperial tendencies of international law.
Drawing this into present discussions on gender law reform produces important spaces for listening and I draw on the writing of postcolonial and indigenous scholars to challenge the authority with which I come to write this text.
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Again, surfacing this tension—acknowledging the history of imperialist international law as always pursuing gender as a civilising force—is disruptive and uncomfortable for actors focused on gender law reform. Strategies for law reform become less clear and questions about assumptions within feminist theories with regard to who is p. The third tension, materiality, is highlighted to engage dialogue on the production of gendered and sexed bodies by gender law reform.
Realizing that women headed households were the poorest of the poor, WID focused early on this trend. Data were sparse, so our group at AAAS decided to estimate the percentage of women headed households overall.