The Battle for Britain: Citizenship and Ideology in the Second World War

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Contents:

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  • 2. Economic downturns
  • Past Prime Ministers

    • Richmond History Journal , 39 , pp. ISSN print Parliamentary History , 35 2 , pp. Richmond History Journal 37 , pp. Journal of Modern Italian Studies , 20 5 , pp. ISSN print X. Woodbridge, Steven Racial Fascism in Britain. BereginyaOwl , 3 26 , pp. Woodbridge, Steven Rebellion revisited? Sunbury National Citizens Union, Socialist History 41 , pp.

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    Twelve ships sailed for Britain, loaded with seventy thousand tons of bomber planes, rifles, tanks, machine guns, and ammunition-- but no destroyers were included in the deal. Sending destroyers would be an act of war, claimed Senator David Walsh of Massachusetts, the isolationist chairman of the Senate Naval Affairs Committee. Walsh also discovered the president's plan to send twenty torpedo boats to Britain. Flying into a rage, he threatened legislation to prohibit such arms sales. Roosevelt backed down -- temporarily -- and called off the torpedo boat deal.

    Even as Nazi troops, tanks, and planes chalked up more conquests in Europe, the contest between the shrimps and the White House was not over. On the contrary, the shrimps still occupied a position of formidable strength.

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    The glamorous public face and articulate voice of the isolationist movement belonged to the charismatic and courageous Charles Lindbergh. His solo flight across the Atlantic in May had catapulted the lanky, boyish, year- old pilot onto the world stage. When he returned to New York two weeks later, flotillas of boats in the harbor, a squadron of twenty- one planes in the sky, and four million people roaring "Lindy!

    Lindbergh yesterday.

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    Buy The Battle for Britain: Citizenship and Ideology in the Second World War 1 by Mary Evans, David Morgan (ISBN: ) from Amazon's Book. Sep 11, It is generally accepted that Britain was held together during the second world war by a spirit of national democratic `consensus'. But whose.

    On May 19, , a week before the president gave his fireside chat denouncing isolationists and outlining plans to build up American defenses, Lindbergh had made the isolationist case in his own radio address. The United States was not in danger from a foreign invasion unless "American people bring it on" by meddling in the affairs of foreign countries. The only danger to America, the flier insisted, was an "internal" one. Though the president had explained that the Atlantic and Pacific oceans could no longer provide safe boundaries and could not protect the American continent from attack, Lindbergh insisted that the two vast oceans did indeed guarantee the nation's safety.

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    In any case, he stressed, it was pointless for the United States to risk submerging its future in the wars of Europe, for the die had already been cast. Deriding all the "hysterical chatter of calamity and invasion," Lindbergh charged that President Roosevelt's angry words against Germany would lead to "neither friendship nor peace.

    Friendship with Nazi Germany? Surely Lindbergh realized that friendship between nations signifies their mutual approval, trust, and assistance. Fascism, democracy-- six of one, half a dozen of the other. His defeatist speech could not have been "better put if it had been written by Goebbels himself," Franklin Roosevelt remarked two days later.

    As the mighty German army broke through French defenses and thundered toward Paris, the dominance of Germany in Europe seemed obvious, inevitable, and justified to Lindbergh. Why, then, he wondered, did Roosevelt persist in his efforts to involve the nation in war? They represent a small minority of the American people, but they control much of the machinery of influence and propaganda.

    He counseled Americans to " strike down these elements of personal profit and foreign interest. Who could have foreseen in that Lindbergh, whose flight inspired a sense of transatlantic community and raised idealistic hopes for international cooperation, would come to embody the fiercest, most virulent brand of isolationism? A former J. Morgan partner and the ambassador to Mexico, Dwight Morrow would be elected as a Republican to the United States Senate in , just before his death in Charles and Anne seemed to lead charmed lives-- until their month- old son was snatched from his crib in their rural New Jersey home in March Muddy footprints trailed across the floor in the second-floor nursery to an open window, beneath which a ladder had stood.

    The governor of New York, Franklin Roosevelt, immediately placed all the resources of the state police at the disposal of the New Jersey authorities. Two months later, the small body was found in a shallow grave.

    Carrying a pistol visible in a shoulder holster, Lindbergh attended the trial in January , sitting just a few seats away from the accused. After Hauptmann's conviction and move for an appeal, Eleanor Roosevelt oddly and gratuitously weighed in, second- guessing the jury and announcing that she was a "little perturbed" that an innocent man might have been found guilty.

    But the conviction stood, and Hauptmann would be executed in the electric chair in April In December , in the wake of the trial, Charles and Anne, harassed and sometimes terrified by intrusive reporters as well as by would- be blackmailers, fled to Europe with their 3-year-old son, Jon.

    Would the crowd- shy Lindbergh and his wife find a calm haven in Europe? The Old World also has its gangsters, commented a French newspaper columnist, adding that Europe "suffers from an additional disquieting force, for there everyone is saying, 'There is going to be war soon. For several years the Lindberghs enjoyed life in Europe, first in England, in a house in the hills near Kent, and later on a small, rocky island off the coast of Brittany. In the summer of , the couple visited Germany, where they were wined and dined by Hermann Goering, second only to Hitler in the Nazi hierarchy, and other members of the party elite.

    Goering personally led Lindbergh on an inspection tour of aircraft factories, an elite Luftwaffe squadron, and research facilities. The American examined new engines for dive bombers and combat planes and even took a bomber up in the air. It was a "privilege" to visit modern Germany, the awestruck Lindbergh said afterward, showering praise on "the genius this country has shown in developing airships. Lindbergh's reports on German aviation overflowed with superlatives about "the astounding growth of German air power," "this miraculous outburst of national energy in the air field," and the "scientific skill of the race.

    She was enchanted by "the sense of festivity, flags hung out, the Nazi flag, red with a swastika on it, everywhere , and the Olympic flag, five rings on white. Theodore Lewald, the head of the German Organizing Committee, declared the games open, hailing the "real and spiritual bond of fi re between our German fatherland and the sacred places of Greece founded nearly 4, years ago by Nordic immigrants. His presence in the Olympic Stadium and his warm words about Germany helpfully added to the luster and pride of the Nazis.

    Also present at the Olympic games, William Shirer overheard people in Nazi circles crow that they had succeeded in "making the Lindberghs 'understand' Nazi Germany. In truth, Lindbergh had glimpsed a certain unsettling fanaticism in Germany, but, as he reasoned to a friend, given the chaotic situation in Germany after World War I, Hitler's achievements "could hardly have been accomplished without some fanaticism.

    Another visit to Germany in confirmed his earlier impressions.

    2. Economic downturns

    German aviation was "without parallel in history"; Hitler's policies "seem laid out with great intelligence and foresight"; and any fanaticism he had glimpsed was offset by a German "sense of decency and value which in many ways is far ahead of our own. In the late spring of , Lindbergh and his wife moved to the tiny Breton island of Illiec, where Charles could carry on lengthy conversations with his neighbor and mentor, Dr.

    Alexis Carrel, an award-winning French scientist and eugenicist who instructed the flier in his scientific racism. In his book Man, the Unknown , Carrel had laid out his theories, his criticism of parliamentary democracy and racial equality. Asserting that the West was a "crumbling civilization," he called for the "gigantic strength of science" to help eliminate "defective" individuals and breeds and prevent "the degeneration of the [white] race. In the fall of , Charles and Anne returned to Germany. Lindbergh wore it proudly that evening.

    Afterward, when he returned from the embassy, he showed the medal to Anne, who correctly predicted that it would become an "albatross. The Lindberghs wanted to spend the winter in Berlin, and Anne even found a suitable house in the Berlin suburb of Wannsee. They returned to Illiec to pack up for the move, but changed their plans when they learned of Kristallnacht. Concerned that their taking up residence in Berlin might cause "embarrassment" to the German and American governments, he and Anne rented an apartment in Paris instead.

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    And yet, Lindbergh's deep admiration for Germany was not seriously dampened. On the contrary, crossing the border from Belgium into Germany in December , Lindbergh was captivated by the fine-looking young German immigration officer whose "air of discipline and precision," he wrote, was "in sharp contrast to the easygoing pleasantness of Belgium and France.

    Past Prime Ministers

    The spirit of the German people, he told John Slessor, a deputy director in Britain's Air Ministry, was "magnificent"; he especially admired their refusal to admit that anything was impossible or that any obstacle was too great to overcome. Americans, he sighed, had lost that strength and optimism. Strength was the key to the future. It appeared eminently rational and fair to Charles Lindbergh that Germany should dominate Europe because, as he wrote, "no system.