History and Class Consciousness
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But this class consciousness is not the class consciousness of the proletarians in its factual givenness, but the class consciousness of the proletariat which has become conscious, the consciousness of the world-historical process and of the world-historical calling of the class struggle of the proletariat. However, what is the relation between the individual proletarian and the class consciousness of the proletariat?
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What the theoreticians can arrive at only by the hard work of thinking, is always already given to the proletarian in accordance with his belonging to the proletariat—under the condition that he reflects on his true class membership and on all consequences which follow from it. Although there are a lot of unclarities and things left unsaid, nearly all important elements of the conception which was to be elaborated in History and Class Consciousness are already contained here.
No doubt, History and Class Consciousness contributed a number of smaller precisions to this conception, and also two rather important: 1 the thesis that only the proletariat as a class can transform the whole of society because it is likewise a totality and 2 the thesis about the party as the guardian of the class consciousness of the proletariat.
In modern society only and exclusively classes represent this viewpoint of totality as subject. The demand, too, has here its reality. This form of the proletarian class consciousness is the party.
The above outline of Lukacs's view on history and class consciousness is certainly very incomplete. However, for our purpose it may be quite sufficient, because our goal is not an evaluation of Lukacs, but a discussion of a question which, although first sharply raised by him, has been treated by many others since.
Discussion of the theses outlined above has been very extended; thus it cannot be summarized here. The two basic meanings, according to Schaff, are entirely different, and history knows many cases of discrepancy, chasm, and even direct opposition between the two. Such gaps arise when a class does not realize its actual interests and acts in disagreement with, or in opposition to, them.
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This occurs most frequently with nascent classes, which have not yet attained the consciousness of their interests, but it can also happen with developed classes, if the ruling classes succeed in preventing the members of the ruled class from widely developing their social consciousness. To make this distinction, according to Schaff, is not to require that the two phenomena should be completely separated. On the contrary, when we have drawn the distinction we can clearly express the task, that the class consciousness should be raised to the level of class ideology, i.
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What part would be played in the process by intellectuals, by political parties and movements Marx did not examine, but it seems clear that these would in any case be subordinate to the general development of the working class. I am afraid that neither of them is quite right, although they may be wrong in rather different ways. Bottomore may underestimate the role of intellectuals, but he is right when criticizing the subordination of the working class to the party ideologists. These remarks can be interesting and stimulating, but they are far from exhausting the basic question.
History and Class Consciousness
History, on the contrary, is, on the one hand the product—unconscious until now, of course—of the activity of human beings themselves, and on the other hand, a succession of those processes in which the forms of that activity, these relations of man to himself to nature and to other people are reversed.
However instructive these and similar remarks may be, they do not solve the problem of history, nor in particular the relation between the non-authentic pre-history and true history. In my view, it is inadequate to define history simply as a continuous series of transformations in the relations of man to himself, to nature and to other people.
The essence of history is the free creative. However no outside transcendent powers are needed here, not because there is no transcending in history, but because man himself is a transcendence. As a natural being developing within the limits of nature man is of necessity subordinated to general natural laws. However, insofar as he remains exclusively determined by the operation of natural laws, he is merely an alienated man, an animal endowed with intellect. A few years after History and Class Consciousness was published, it was moved into the focus of philosophical discussion by Heidegger in his Being and Time , a place which it maintains to this day largely as a result of the position occupied by Sartre and his followers.
The philologic question raised by L. Goldmann, who considered Heidegger's work partly as a polemic reply to my admittedly unnamed work, need not be discussed here. It suffices today to say that the problem was in the air, particularly if we analyze its background in detail in order to clarify its effect, the mixture of Marxist and Existentialist thought processes, which prevailed especially in France immediately after the Second World War. In this connection priorities, influences, and so on are not particularly significant.
What is important is that the alienation of man was recognized and appreciated as the central problem of the time in which we live, by bourgeois as well as proletarian, by politically rightist and leftist thinkers. Thus, History and Class Consciousness exerted a profound effect in the circles of the youthful intelligentsia. Maximum Canada. Doug Saunders. For a Left Populism. Chantal Mouffe. Workers and Capital. Mario Tronti. Verso Books. The Tailor of Ulm.
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Vaclav Smil. It is itself historically determined. Working-class consciousness is in this view the highest and truest form of consciousness ever expressed by a subaltern social group. Their position in society therefore pushes workers into taking action against the injustice they suffer. Revolution involves not only a struggle by the working class against an external enemy; it also requires an internal struggle against itself, 'against the devastating and degrading effects of the capitalist system upon its class consciousness'. Yet this type of criticism, as Lanning shows, conceives the role of the party in a fundamentally misguided way.
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