Global Perspectives on Gender and Work: Readings and Interpretations

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Jacqueline Goodman has selected a key set of essays that examine influential arguments on such central themes as 1 the origins of the gendered division of labor; 2 historical trends and economic transformations that affect and are affected by women's position in market and non-market work; 3 the effects of occupational and job segregation by sex on status, pay, and promotion; 4 the ways in which formal and informal organizational culture shape and in turn are shaped by gender in professional and managerial positions; 5 class consciousness among wage-earning men and women; 6 the different forms of gender discrimination that women and men face in the workplace; 7 the problems working parents face and the ways in which different societies, subcultures, and genders cope; and 8 alternative approaches to improving the lives of working women and their families in the global economy.

With its rich interdisciplinary perspective, this text is ideal for courses in sociology, political science, anthropology, and women's and gender studies. Martin, Marcia K. Meyers, Ferdinando Monte, Martha C. Tilly, Christine L. Williams, Muhammad Yunus, and Luigi Zingales. Leverage Leadership 2.

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Among humans, sometime during the Paleolithic Era males developed the ability to control male—male competition within the group so that the group could be more successful in its hunt for prey and in its competition with other humans. This argument builds on the work of sociobiologists the s and s, who asserted that, as in all mammals, because men produce millions of sperm and women relatively few mature eggs, reproductive success for men means impregnating as many women as possible while keeping other men from doing so, while for women it means caring for their offspring.

The rules were, of course, backed up by the possibility of violence if they were broken, but lessened day-to-day occurrence of that violence, and they slowly grew into political structures, economic systems, and laws. They also created all aspects of what we now term patriarchy: male dominance over females, dominance of some males over others, and inequality in the distribution of resources. They assert that promiscuity may actually be reproductively advantageous for females as well as males as it assures a greater likelihood of pregnancy.

Food that came from gathering was more important than meat to survival in the long Paleolithic Era, and in any case much hunting may have been net or communal in which 16 Introduction women and children as well as men participated. Yes, humans are born more helpless than practically any other animal, so the investment of time and energy in caring, bearing, and nursing offspring is particularly great. But women had help. Although fathers could not provide breast-milk — the only food available to gatherer-hunters that infants can easily digest — they assisted in other ways.

Once humans began to domesticate sheep and goats, and to raise grain crops, animal milk and cereal mush were added as possibilities for infant food, although not until rubber was vulcanized in the twentieth century, making it soft enough to be made into an artificial nipple, was there a way to get these foods easily into the mouth of a very young infant. Cooperative child-rearing, and the development of social skills and adaptability it encouraged, may have been a more important source of the development of human culture than organized group violence.

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Humans share organized violence with other species, but are unique in the duration and complexity of their care for children, so that studies of other primates may not apply well to early humans. This more egalitarian evolutionary biology is based on very new research, but in some ways it reinforces an old idea, that hunter-gatherers or, more accurately, gatherer-hunters were less hierarchical and that agriculture created patriarchy.

This idea was first proposed by German social theorists of the nineteenth century, most prominently the scholar J. In matriarchal cultures, goods were owned in common, but with the expansion of agriculture and animal husbandry men began to claim ownership of crops, animals, and land, thus developing the notion of private property. Once men had private property, in most cultures they established patrilineal inheritance systems in which property was passed down through the male line.

Gimbutus argues that during the Paleolithic and Neolithic period, people living in Europe and the Mediterranean area were egalitarian, peaceful, and womancentered, honoring the earth as a mother goddess. These new people were militaristic, seminomadic, and patriarchal, and they worshipped a single male god and often followed a single male military leader.

The key problem in discussions of primitive matriarchy is the lack of written sources. Even those who argue that there was an original matriarchy agree that writing brought patriarchy, whether this was in Mesopotamia in the third millennium bce or in North America in the eighteenth century ce. This means that earlier evidence — archaeological remains, oral tradition, discussions of older traditions in later written records, literary sources such as creation stories or mythology — is fragmentary and difficult to interpret.

Thus patriarchy preceded other forms of hierarchy and domination such as social classes, and women became primarily defined by their relation to men.

Gender in History: Global Perspectives

Like Engels, Lerner links patriarchy with property ownership and political structures, but she also stresses the importance of nonmaterial issues such as the creation of symbols and meaning through religion and philosophy. Materialist historians have objected to her emphasis on ideas and symbols, and to the notion that gender hierarchies preceded those based on property ownership, while some classicists have argued that she misread ancient prostitution and other aspects of early cultures.

Though the lines of causation are not clear, the development of agriculture was accompanied by increasing subordination of women in many parts of the world. Among gatherer-hunters, male control of meat resources was countered by female gathering, which placed some limits on male control of women. Plow agriculture increased the food supply, but also increased the resources needed to produce that food. As men plowed literally more resources into their land, they set up inheritance systems to pass land and other goods on to the next generation.

The states that developed in the ancient Middle East after bce, and then in the Mediterranean, India, China, and Central and South America, further heightened gender distinctions. They depended on taxes and tribute as well as slave labor for their support, and so their rulers were very interested in maintaining population levels. All of these states were dominated by hereditary aristocracies, who became concerned with maintaining the distinction between themselves and the majority of the population. This concern led to attempts to control reproduction through laws governing sexual relations and, more importantly, through marriage norms and practices that set up a very unequal relationship between spouses.

These laws built on existing rules already in place to enhance male—male alliances and lessen male—male aggression.

These economic and political developments were accompanied and supported by cultural norms and religious concepts that heightened gender distinctions. In some places heavenly hierarchies came to reflect those on earth, with the gods arranged in a hierarchy dominated by a single male god, who was viewed as the primary creator of life.

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In others the cosmos itself was gendered, with order and harmony depending on a balance between male and female, but a balance in which male forces were the more powerful. The original human is often understood to be male, until something bad happens that results in females. Many point out that cultures in which most of these did not develop, such as the! Cultures in which several of these were lacking, such as some in North America that did not have bureaucratic states or plow agriculture, were also less patriarchal than the norm.

This is not universally the case, however, for there are also gathering and hunting cultures in which male dominance is extreme.

There are also differences in the level of male dominance in civilizations that grew up quite near to each other, such as ancient Mesopotamia, in which systematic repression of women was severe, and ancient Egypt, in which women were treated with more respect and were more active in politics and religion. The gender structures that developed in the ancient world or in cultures that were largely isolated were thus variable and complex, and this complexity only increased as cultures came into contact with one another.

The remainder of this book is an attempt to sort through some of this complexity, to view some of the ways in which gender has interacted with other types of structures and institutions that people have created and that subsequently shaped their lives. It is based on my own research and that of many people who examine what the incomplete written and material record reveals about the past. If you do, please remember that this is not a book about what might have been, what should be, or what could happen in the future; that I leave to philosophers, ethicists, theologians, and you.

An important study of the relationship between gender hierarchies and other systems of power is R.

Much thinking about gender is undertaken by feminist scholars in many disciplines. A collection with materials from an international and multiracial group of authors is Carole McCann and Sueng-Kyung Kim, eds. For feminist scholarship in many fields, see the series Oxford Readings in Feminism. There are several major collections of articles on gender history around the world, including Teresa A.

Meade and Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks, eds. Smith, ed. For a collection of the writings of feminist historians, organized chronologically, see Sue Morgan, ed. Judith M. A succinct review of anthropological approaches is Frances E. Gilbert Herdt, ed. Elizabeth A. For essays linking feminist and queer theory, see Elizabeth Weed and Naomi Schor, eds. Robert J. Several works that bring together gender and postcolonial theory are Trin T.

Hawley, ed. The origins of patriarchy The classic sociobiological account of human evolution is Edmund O. For the earliest writers who discussed primitive matriarchy, see Johann J. Bachofen, trans. It has been criticized in Lucy Goodison and Christine Morris, eds.

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Many studies by anthropologists and archaeologists have contributed to our understanding of this issue; these are discussed in Joan M. Gero and Margaret W. There is a much longer list of suggested readings, along with links to original sources, on the website associated with this book: www.

For some groups, the most important unit was the nuclear family of a man, a woman, and their children, while for others the extended kin network was most important. In some groups, the family was primarily a unit of reproduction, while in others it was primarily a unit of production. Some groups practiced polygamy and others monogamy. Adoption or godparentage created significant kinship-like ties termed fictive or spiritual kinship in some places while in others only blood and marriage mattered.

Marital partners in some cultures were chosen by parents or the family as a whole and in others by the individuals themselves. Marriage was forbidden to certain segments of the population among some groups while among others nearly everyone married. In some groups divorce was easy and in others impossible. In some groups premarital sexuality was acceptable or even expected and in others it was harshly punished. The oldest son inherited everything in some cultures primogeniture and in others all children or at least all sons shared in inheritance partible inheritance.

In some groups marriage was early and in others it was late. People in some places married within their 26 The Family group endogamy and in others outside of their group exogamy. In some groups spouses were about the same age while in others they were very different ages. Contraception, abortion, and even infanticide were acceptable practices for limiting the number of children in some cultures, while in others these were strictly prohibited. Death was a rupture in family life among some groups, while in others deceased ancestors were part of the household, venerated and honored.

All of these variables interacted, and often changed over time because of internal developments or contacts with other cultures.

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Despite all of this variety, there are certain generalizations we can make about the family in history. Though patterns and structures differed tremendously, every group had ideas about the proper relations among spouses, parents and children, and other kin that were reinforced through law codes, religious prescriptions, taboos, education, or other means. Most individuals followed these expectations, which is why we can make generalizations about issues such as those noted in the paragraph above. This tendency for people to follow certain patterns means that family history can often be portrayed in charts and graphs of quantitative measures such as average age at marriage, average number and frequency of children, rates of remarriage for widows and widowers, inheritance patterns, rates of divorce, and so on.

Quantitative sources make clear that the experience of family life was gendered. Nonquantitative sources about family life, including diaries, letters, and court records, also indicate that the experiences within the family group differed for boys and girls, men and women. Children learned and continue to learn what it means to be male or female first from the older people in their families, and their first experiences with gender differences were usually within the family.

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