A Mind of Her Own: Helen Connor Laird and Family, 1888-1982 (Wisconsin Land and Life)

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Exceptions occur in some suburbs in the state, especially around Madison, but the Republican suburban success was significant in the presidential elections of and Yet Kerry should have done better in Wisconsin given that he made major gains in both Milwaukee and Madison over Gore, gains that matter tremendously in terms of the total vote in the state. Thus Kerry ran 5. This showing reflected an absorption of the Nader vote in and even more gains to the Democratic nominee.

There had to be someplace where Kerry ran behind Gore, perhaps a sector of the state or its electorate that was already strongly Republican and not influenced by the messages pouring out from Madison and Milwaukee.

And there was. Once again, the answer lies in the fact that, according to the census, To be sure, a great many of the citizens of German ancestry live in cities and suburbs, large and small, and there is no evidence that any of them recall their increasingly remote German ancestry when voting.

Yet of the 25 percent of Wisconsin residents who still live in small towns and villages, the majority is of German heritage. In such settings there is a stability rooted in tradition, a voting tradition among others, and that tradition is overwhelmingly Republican today, as it has been since Along with suburbia, these worlds are the major parts of Wisconsin Republicanism.

It was here, in German American towns and villages, that Kerry did worse than usual for a Democrat, and definitely worse than Gore. It did not matter whether these areas were primarily Catholic or Protestant or of mixed Christian background. This was not the relevant variable.

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This was not exclusively a phenomenon of the countryside. Political scientist David Canon proposed exploring to see if the same connection between percentage of German ancestry and Republican voting existed in the cities of Wisconsin in The results are enlightening. In most cities with populations of more than 10, there was very little or no correlation, but in fourth-class cities, the small cities that dot the Wisconsin countryside, there was an association between the percentage of German-ancestry residents and the Republican vote.

It was not dramatically high, but it was there and predictable, since such cities take on the color of the environment around them. It is appropriate to wonder why this particular, already-very-Republican sector of the Wisconsin electorate voted even more Republican in These are not areas, to say the least, known historically for their enthusiasm for wars, nor are they centers of enthusiasm for free-spending Republicans such as George W.

Yet they are centers of cultural conservatism, places where marriage, religion, and similar values reign strong and where urban, socially liberal values are often viewed with suspicion. This showed in the presidential election of , as it did with many Midwest voters in , as John Green and Mark Silk have recently argued in their parsing of poll results.

Exploring whether there was a class dimension to or voting for president in Wisconsin is important.

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Median household income is our best means, given the available data. In and there was a quite soft positive association with ascending median household income and the Bush Republican vote. The figures were about the same for the Democratic presidential candidates, except that the Democratic correlations were with declining income.

The weak correlations should not be unexpected. Consider that, on the one hand, almost all the affluent suburbs of Madison voted Democratic while numerous poor northern towns voted Republican, while, on the other hand, poor areas of Milwaukee voted Democratic and affluent German American farming towns cast Republican votes.

In short, the real-world picture is quite mixed. On the contrary, his vote was not associated with household income in any significant direction. For example, while he did well in the affluent Madison area, he did poorly in the well-to-do Milwaukee suburbs. Moreover, he ran quite well in many poor, rural areas of northern Wisconsin where he was viewed as a protest candidate but got almost no votes in the poor inner-city areas of Milwaukee.

Another hypothesis for why Kerry did not do better in Wisconsin focuses on turnout. Perhaps Kerry constituencies just did not turn out in quite as large numbers as did Bush areas or constituencies and that made the difference. Nonetheless, if we do compare turnout in with turnout in , we learn little.

About 15 percent more voters appeared at the polls in Wisconsin in than did four years earlier.

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There was, however, no distinct increase in turnout in areas more favorable to Bush or Kerry. It looks like both parties were quite successful in generating new voters. It is true enough that in German American towns and villages the turnout was above the statewide average of 15 percent by a few percentage points.

It is also true that in Milwaukee it was below the state average by a few points, though the explanation is principally declining city population. However, the turnout in populous Dane County and in Madison was well above the state average, while in the suburban units elsewhere in my sample it fell below by some distance In short, the picture is not clear, and it is not obvious that turnout benefited one party over another. True, the exit poll and all exit polling is under a cloud due to questions about the accuracy of the poll. But when we look at the exit poll for Wisconsin there are few surprises.

It reports what we know, that there was little evidence of sharp class division in the voting. Only at income extremes, 15 percent of the voter population, does it indicate class division. They were for Bush with 70 percent of the vote, reflecting both the findings regarding wealthy Milwaukee suburbs factored by liberal well-to-do Madison suburbs. On the lowest end, the 10 percent of the voters making the least, the outcome was reversed between the candidates.

Exactly the same pattern repeated itself with education as a class measure, though here the differences were even softer.

While the Wisconsin exit poll mildly exaggerates the support for the Republicans at 14 percent among African American voters a figure that my detailed analysis shows is in error , it is particularly suspect in its claim that 47 percent of the Hispanic vote in Wisconsin 2 percent of the total went for Bush. There is no other sign of that, certainly not in precinct analysis in Milwaukee. Table 1. Percent Vote in Voting Units.

Milwaukee suburbs. North Shore and northwest. New Deal suburbs.

Rest of Milwaukee Co. Waukesha Co. Ozaukee Co.

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Washington Co. African American. American Indian: Menominee Co. German Protestant. German Catholic. Dutch Protestant. Abramson, John H.

Aldrich, and David W. Equivalent Democratic correlations were.

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Canon was helpful in my thinking about the Wisconsin results. The book is available through libraries and book retailers statewide and online at www. The book is also available as an e-book.

From to , William Proxmire was a major figure in Wisconsin politics, serving one term in the legislature before running for governor. Denied the governorship three times in six years, he shocked everyone by winning a special election in to replace the late U. Senator Joe McCarthy, and he went on to win reelection six times. Proxmire began the Golden Fleece Awards—which would become his most popular and longest-lasting attack on federal spending—in It set the tone for ridicule that would characterize the award for the next thirteen years:.

I object to this because no one—not even the National Science Foundation—can argue that falling in love is a science. Professor Ellen Berscheid, the lead researcher, quickly defended the study as part of a larger project studying psychological dependence and interpersonal attraction begun in that would benefit psychologists and therapists and therefore have practical application.

She accused Proxmire of not trying to understand a complex and relevant field of research and instead going after a cheap laugh and political points. Roland Hutchinson of Kalamazoo State Hospital on why rats, monkeys, and humans clench their jaws. Proxmire repeated this story in his constituent newsletter and on the Mike Douglas television show.

Ironically, Schwarz, a former economics professor himself, had indeed done his homework, contacting each of the granting institutions and obtaining documents that supported the grants. Before making the announcement, Schwarz contacted Hutchinson and read him the press release.

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Article I, Section 6 of the Constitution granted members of Congress legal immunity for statements made on the floor in order to guarantee free debate and prevent reprisal for controversial statements. But did that immunity extend to statements repeated in print or on television?

Senator Barry Goldwater pointed out the hypocrisy of Proxmire himself receiving federal funds to defend himself for attacking others for receiving federal funds. In July , the US Court of Appeals upheld the lower court ruling, stating that by accepting public funding for his work, Hutchinson had become a public figure. As a public figure, therefore, Hutchinson had to prove that Proxmire had acted with malice in his statements.

Without evidence of malice, Proxmires statements were protected free speech. Hutchinson refused to give up and appealed the verdict to the US Supreme Court, which agreed to take the case in January In June, the court ruled in an 8—1 decision that Hutchinson was not a public figure and had to prove only injury, not malice, and that the congressional immunity clause did not apply to statements made outside of Senate debate, meaning that Proxmire could be sued for libel.

The court remanded the case back to a lower court, but in March , Proxmire agreed to a settlement. Proxmire gradually repaid, beginning with royalties he earned from a book about the Golden Fleece Awards. The lawsuit was an expensive ordeal, but Proxmire continued to make his monthly award during the suit and for the remainder of his time in the Senate. Every month, his legislative assistants spent hours meticulously researching some instance of wasteful government spending, often tipped off by someone working for some federal agency, and the office would decide on a winner.

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