Farm and factory: the Jesuits and the development of agrarian capitalism in colonial Quito, 1600-1767
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In Maryland the same object, the right to pastoral service, was obtained by narrowing the separation between church and state with the pastoral law. Unlike in the established parishes in England, the Maryland congregations had no alternative supply of clergy to replace those who were unwilling to provide pastoral services. The logical way for them to obtain their birthright involved narrowing the separation of church and state in order to encourage the clergy who were in Maryland to as pastors. The pattern of narrowing the separation between church and state in defense of the Catholics' religious freedom was also followed in a second assembly enactment.
This was a praemunire law which made it a capital offense for the clergy to appeal to the authority of canon law, church courts, the Jesuits' constitutions, or Rome's authority.
The praemunire enactment was a penal law, but in England it had predated the Reformation by several hundred years and reflected what was probably the traditional fraternal rather than paternal or inferior relation between the English and Roman church. There was an additional positive aspect of the praemunire law besides putting a limitation on the ability of the hierarchy and Roman establishment to interfere with the Catholics' religious freedom.
This was that the praemunire law prevented the establishment of local church courts. Where church courts existed in both Catholic and Protestant countries, they seem to have been used by the gentry against the pastoral interests of the working people.
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For example, in Mexico during the mid--century period, church courts were an appendage to the Spanish colonial order. The Mexican gentry employed corporal punishment to coerce obedience from the laboring people. When slaves and servants rebelled during such punishment by blaspheming, they were turned over to church courts. The church courts then applied torture, which was legal, to gain an admission of guilt concerning the blasphemy.
Then they were further punished by the church courts to gain obedience. In the s the Catholics in England had pressured the government there to invoke the praemunire law against their own bishop, Richard Smith, and force him into permanent exile in France. The reason for the Catholics' antipathy against Smith had been his attempt to establish church courts with jurisdiction over testaments, legacies, and marriages.
The English Catholics claimed that the "fear-mongering" doctrine of purgatory, the refusal to administer the sacraments, and the church courts were all part of a system to gain undeserved legacies for the hierarchy. Had canon law been permitted, Catholics would have even been denied the right to marry Protestants. Besides the pastoral and praemunire laws, the Maryland Catholics took several other steps which narrowed the separation between church and state in order to promote their religious freedom. As in Wales and in other mission countries, the clergy took up the ownership of farms in Maryland.
However, this legislation was directed mainly at Latin America and Africa, where most of the missions were located. The prohibitions, like all canon law, only had effect when the local government was willing to enforce it. This legislative solution consisted in the enactment of an anti-mortmain law, which in effect outlawed the ownership of property by the clergy.
The anti-mortmain law inhibited the tendency toward the clergy's involvement in estate management and it made possible the establishment of St. Mary's chapel.
The chapel was built by a joint subscription of the Protestants and Catholics in It was 18 x 30 feet in size, of brick construction, and used by both Catholics and Protestants. Such collaboration where the clergy owned the church would have been impossible. The clergy could have been excommunicated by Rome for permitting Protestant services. Also in the category of promoting the Catholics' religious freedom despite the preferences of the clergy for a wider separation between church and state was a fourth assembly measure. It put limitations upon the clergy's freedom to proselytize among the Indians.
This in effect increased their availability for service to the laboring Catholics. But by the s the clergy had been serving in a pastoral role for 20 years and apparently had been won over to it. It was the clergy who successfully petitioned to the superior for the continuation of their presence. This article emphasizes the role of the Maryland Catholics in solving the limitation on their religious freedom.
But the Maryland Protestants also contributed to the solution. It was not only the Catholics but also the Protestants who experienced limitations on their right to the pastoral ministry. For much of the period, the Maryland Protestants had no clergy. Their solution was often to join the Catholic congregations. For example, in nearly all the Protestants who migrated to Maryland became Catholics.
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They joined because Catholic clergy were present to minister. There were generally one to three priests serving in Maryland at any particular time. Twelve priests in all served the community during the mid-seventeenth century for periods of from 6 months to 15 years. The Maryland Catholic growth was similar to the pattern of growth in northern and western England and in Ireland.
The Catholic population even declined in this area in the seventeenth century. This was in part because there was sufficient Anglican clergy but also because the Catholic gentry did not wish to share the services of the Catholic clergy with the laboring people. He reported on the fruitful nature of his ministry, "at this moment I have quite penitents, and could have more if I wished; or rather, what I lack is not will, but help; I am working to the limits of my strength. As in Maryland, the growth of Catholicism in England was linked to the absence of Anglican clergy and the presence of Catholic clergy.
In effect this meant there were more than potential Yorkshire parishes without regular clergy. It had an extraordinary tenacity of attraction for the most marginal. The conditions were similar in Lancashire.
While in some counties there was one Anglican priest per people, in Lancashire's 56 Anglican parishes, it was sometimes closer to 1, people per priest. For some Catholic recusants in England the penal laws created difficulties. But for others, such laws may have helped expand religious freedom.
Farm and Factory: The Jesuits and the Development of Agrarian Capitalism in Colonial Quito [Nicholas P Cushner] on giuliettasprint.konfer.eu *FREE*. Farm and Factory: The Jesuits and the Development of Agrarian Capitalism in Colonial Quito by Nicholas P Cushner () [Nicholas P.
That is, from the perspective of those Maryland and English Protestant laboring people whose pastoral needs were neglected by the established clergy, the penal laws created a dual clergy system, which encouraged or forced at least some of the Catholic clergy to look for employment among the neglected. It seems these laws at times had pastoral results for religious freedom not anticipated by their authors in the Anglican hierarchy. To sum up, the local county studies in England and similar studies of Maryland since the s have revised the way historians view post-Reformation Catholicism.
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Catholicism is now seen to have been mainly a religion of laboring people, not gentry. The Catholic community had limitations on its freedom, but at least concerning pastoral service, the limitation was on the laboring people not the gentry. The limitation was related to the class system, not only to penal laws. The article has suggested that the revision in the picture of post-reformation Catholicism may extend not only to the reasons for the limitation on Catholic religious freedom, but to the way the Maryland Catholics solved it.
The early Maryland Catholics have traditionally been celebrated for their law on religious toleration, which broadened the separation between church and state. In the context of the seventeenth century, however, the legislation narrowing the separation between church and state may have also been significant.
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This may be the reason the pastoral legislation preceded the toleration law by a decade. Perhaps pastoral service, not Protestantism, was the main thing on their mind. The Maryland Catholics' achievements and the religious-biblical tradition which it represents seemingly has relevance to the continuing debate about the nature of religious freedom and the separation of church and state.
Contemporary American structural-functional sociology emphasizes the freedom, as one French writer put it, of both the rich and the poor to sleep under bridges rather than the freedom of all to housing. The structural-functionalists, none of whom sleep under bridges, minimize class in discussing freedom. The experience of the post-Reformation Catholics seems to have been that religious freedom involved not only the church-state issue, but the class issue.
For them, the contradiction was not only between church and state, but between gentry and laboring people. Their experience in looking at religious freedom was that one had to ask, "freedom for whom and for what. During the mid-seventeenth century the leveler movement in England embodied many of the laboring people's desires for "class" freedom.
The Maryland community actually achieved some of these aspirations: taxes were small and non-existent on food and other necessities, they had an annual parliament, a wide franchise, equal constituencies, no tithes or bishops, a simplified legal system, no imprisonment for debt, and no enclosures. The "birthright freedom" of pastoral service was not least among the levelers' aspirations which were realized in Maryland.
What A.
Morton says about the levelers might also in part be said of the Maryland Catholics' church-state relations:. A party that held the center of the stage for three of the most crucial years in our nation's history, voiced the aspiration of the unprivileged masses, and was able to express with such force ideas that have been behind every great social advance since their time, cannot be regarded as wholly a failure or deserve to be wholly forgotten.
Click here to return to CWP homepage. E ndnotes. William H. Browne 72 vols. Albans, Hertfordshire, Eng. Wrigley and R.
See R. Strategic factors in economic development. Runciman, W. Also in its nature was that two-thirds of both the secular and regular clergy were from gentry families. John Arthur ,
The "Career Files" are an alphabetically arranged data base for each of the 5, seventeenth-century 1, up until Maryland residents known by name. In constructing the "Career Files," the public records in Maryland were "stripped. Many files are pages or longer. Mary's County Residents, It is available from Historic St. I am indebted Dr. Martin's Press, , p. Coleman, "Labor in Seventeenth-Century England," pp. Franklin, [] , vol. Nutt, , pp. According to B. Blackwood, "Plebeian Catholics in the s and s," Recusant History , 18 , , those from a laboring background seemed to have had a preference for serving in the secular clergy.
George Ganss, S. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, , p. It was, as Paul Meyvaert, "Gregory the Great and the Theme of Authority," Spode House Review , , 24, points out, the age-old justification, in a Christian version, of Roman imperialism, the natural subordination of barbarians to Romans, as slaves to freemen. It turned up "dismayingly often" ibid. Spiazzi Taurino: Casa Marietti, , I.
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