A Woman Of Moderate Decadence
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Liberal democracy, by atomizing individuals, has paved the way for the divine tyranny of Islam, in which every previously isolated individual is linked directly to Allah and now indirectly to each other. Islamic submission finally means a hammam bath, a phonetic recitation of twenty-six Arabic syllables, a cocktail party, and, eventually, several young wives who can cook. By contrast, Christianity requires freedom, the focused, complex, arduous, disciplined freedom of choosing to live out mysterious doctrines that are not immediately understood, to look for analogies of the transcendent in the ordinary, to love beyond unpleasant appearances and fallen creatures, and to listen to the law of agape , which demands mutuality, sacrifice, and patience.
Austin's Review, and Homiletic and Pastoral Review. He is a retired teacher who lives in St. Pope Francis doesn't understand Islam. The Wars of Religion are only beginning. Our Lady of Walsingham can help Hispanics return to the Church. Crisis Magazine is a project of Sophia Institute Press. Crisis Magazine. Subscribe Daily Weekly. Go to Crisis homepage. As such: All comments must directly address the article. No lengthy rants or block quotes. We discuss politics, restaurants, fashion.
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I can arrange this for you if you want. If you have problems in America, you can also call me. The rigidly hierarchical Communist system meant that important positions in Soviet politics could be occupied only by people of advanced years.
Younger politicians, whatever their ambitions, operated in the meek language of the bureaucracy, avoiding transgressions, offending no one, exercising what little power they had in terms dictated by their superiors. The idea that members of the younger generation can hold meaningful positions in Russian politics is still very novel. They would prefer to find a year-old man with no interest in art and culture.
This is times more true in national government. In the West, younger politicians talk of radicalism while older ones are conciliatory; in Russia it is quite the reverse.
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What is both comical and disturbing, however, is that this move toward moderation seems to come not from a spirit of cooperation, but from a general understanding that the rhetoric of compromise will be the best line to power. There are perhaps 25 men under the age of 40 who are helping to define the younger voice in Russian politics, and several hundred others who follow in their footsteps. The range of their sentiments and abilities can perhaps be grasped by looking closely at three: Andrei L.
Stankevich, counselor to the President of Russia on political affairs. Andrei Golovin seems never to have learned the language of bureaucracy that haunts the older, gray-suited administrators.
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Golovin holds to what he calls a centrist line. Russian politics tends to function in extremist terms, and I am intrigued by the idea of a centrist party. But we are really closer to you and to your national interests than are those radicals. The danger does not come from the red or the blue, but from the fact of extremes locked in battle. Five years ago he was a physicist at a research institute. With perestroika, he moved toward government service. He sketches out military, economic and civil policy; his centrism reminds me more of Swedish socialism than of anything else. Do people in this country want compromise?
Who are your constituents? I point out to Golovin that within democratic systems this is not the usual sequence of events, that you are supposed to have support before you get elected. The left-wing press is underwritten by our Government; and so is the right-wing press, because fear of the right wing drives support to the left.
We were never part of the Soviet bureaucracy. The power of these extremes is sustained with base propaganda. We of the center try not to lie, like the extremists, which is why we have trouble getting votes and support. Why should people vote for us? We want to establish reasonable laws. In 15 years, when I am president, Bolshevism, extremism, will be dead. Golovin is eloquent and moving, but he evinces a curious disdain for the realities of his own country.
He seems not to understand that you cannot impose civility on an entire society. He talks a lot about pragmatism replacing ideology, but fails to recognize the essential ideological basis for his pragmatism, which was designed to create a pragmatic society where one does not now exist.
But there can be little question that if Kiselev had been active 30 years ago, he would with equal conviction have defended the cause of Communism; indeed, he was a big wheel in the Komsomol the youth organization of the Communist Party when he was an adolescent in Volgograd, and the Communist Party was still the Communist Party. He is still working part time as a scientific researcher of practical problems, at what had been his full-time work before he entered Moscow politics.
He is also on the Organization Committee for the Referendum, which will take place in a few days. The Movement for Democratic Reform, which he leads, is the remains of the political machine that propelled Yeltsin into power, and is as close to a political party as anything gets right now in Russia.
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He batters me with statistics. He is a man without any impulse toward abstract thinking or large questions. I spend the afternoon before the referendum with Sergei B. Russian politics are, of course, unpredictable, but character is distinctive; of these three men, this is the only one who could conceivably run a country. In fact, he is at the moment unpopular, and has severed his ties to various movements that might have helped him to greater success; but unpopular in Russia turns to popular in hours, and Stankevich has had moments of great popularity.
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He has elements of George Stephanopoulos and James Carville; he is a high-level strategist of the new generation who has a masterly ability to shape Russian and international news media responses. Recently he has distanced himself from Yeltsin, though he has kept his Kremlin office and official position. In the past, when Yeltsin has acted strangely and unpredictably, Stankevich has been the one to explain. He has been accused often of dirty politics, and was at the center of a small scandal last year when a great deal of government money went to an almost nonexistent music festival.
He is said to have used his influence to get apartments for family members and to arrange other special favors. But what Stankevich has is a quality of immense competence.
Therefore, I say that the medicine of old women is better than that of those [physicians who killed the prince]. It is to utter words without any meaning whatsoever. Just ask these people. This programme is the "stuffer" which produces average cultures. What is both comical and disturbing, however, is that this move toward moderation seems to come not from a spirit of cooperation, but from a general understanding that the rhetoric of compromise will be the best line to power.
In the current Russian situation, this is perhaps the most important thing of all. Stankevich wears his enormous and all-encompassing intelligence on his sleeve. He is the only man I have met who is able to construct a neat and orderly picture out of the momentous events that have shaken Russia in the last 10 years.
Sitting in his large Kremlin office, you are lulled into a sense that politics is a straightforward business. But he is at the same time a man who knows well on which side his bread is buttered; he pursues his political vision with the clear knowledge that his kind of democracy will benefit not only Russia, but also himself. The goals were to introduce controlled elections and controlled free speech while preserving the system and retaining Communist Party control.
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These goals were accomplished. But the leaders of the first wave failed to introduce a new political or intellectual paradigm, and so they had to fall. This wave peaked during the coup in In , the second wave broke when state control was in large part lifted from the economy.
The second wave has been heading downward for a year and a half. It will begin in earnest with the elections and with the adoption of constitutional reform. The first goal of the third wave will be to establish a constitution and system of rule which allows for cooperation rather than competition among the branches of government. We will create a representative government, so that the republics now acting semiautonomously will feel that they have a decisive voice in Moscow, that their representatives are involved in establishing national laws, and that they are therefore bound by those laws.
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