Religious Expression and the American Constitution (Rhetoric and Public Affairs Series)

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Dennis and Gill did not attempt to name any of the recovered black bodies, or specify when and where the bodies had been discovered.

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I was dumbstruck: If in fact nine other black bodies were discovered during the forty-four day search for the three missing civil rights workers, and if the nation in still did not know who they were, and since I wrote about and taught the civil rights movement in Mississippi, by my reckoning, I was complicit in the conspiracy of silence. What of the other six or seven? Published thirty years after Freedom Summer, and with an entire chapter devoted to the summer project, surely the black bodies question would get clarified in this masterful and comprehensive work. The next day the lower half of a second body was discovered nearby.

The victims were twenty-year-old Charles Moore, an Alcorn College student, and Henry Dee, twenty-one, neither of whom had been active in the civil rights movement. Their bodies were then tied to an engine block and dumped into the river. The Mississippi press covered the story for the better part of a week, and the FBI investigated the case for nearly four months. Six, if you counted the erstwhile Oarsby. Unlike Dittmer, Cagin and Dray flesh out the Moore and Dee murders and offer motives as to the Klan kidnapping and killing.

Were nameless black bodies the order of the historiographical day? Did we need even more Mississippi horror than the dead black bodies we could count—and name? If so, why? Sensing that I might have stumbled on to something important, or at least a curious question, I decided to consult the sources closest in time and perhaps space, to the events of In a lengthy exposition on Klan intrigue, Mississippi resistance, and detailed re-creation, Huie says not a word about any bodies discovered—black or white—beyond Goodman, Schwerner, and Chaney.

News and World Report , among others, revealed no evidence of unnamed black bodies discovered in June, July, or August, Revealing, too, are the memoirs published by Mississippi movement veterans. Don Whitehead, who had a very close working relationship with the FBI, says nothing about unidentified black bodies discovered during the unprecedented search in his history of the Klan in Mississippi.

A bit farther removed in time, James Farmer, who was the Executive Director of CORE, and who was one of the very first movement personnel to ask face-to-face questions of Cecil Price and Lawrence Rainey, says nothing about the discovery of unnamed black bodies, nor do Stokely Carmichael or Cleveland Sellers —both of whom walked the rivers and swamps searching for their colleagues.

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One of the most interesting memoirs of the summer project, originally published in by Sally Belfrage, also makes no claims about dead black bodies—until her memoir was re-issued in In the span of twenty-five years, it appears, nameless black bodies were discovered and noted. I wondered what the laconic Bob Moses had to say. Moses was not only the architect of the Summer Project, but given his central place in the rhetorical trajectory of interracial violence anticipating the Project, surely he would have said something about nameless and unidentified black bodies being discovered.

Surely the organizer who leveraged black invisibility and thus disposability as the principal reason for Freedom Summer in the first place would have noted such a discovery; it would be proof, after all, of much of what he had been saying since at least November , when the Freedom Vote came and went without anyone getting killed and white college students providing something of a shield.

While Moses can be forgiven for the erroneous claim that a grand jury was convened in or in the Moore and Dee case, he does not, just months after the Summer Project, mention black bodies beyond Moore and Dee. Nor does he lump the body of fourteen-year-old Herbert Oarsby into the unknown. While such reasoning seemed admittedly far-fetched, I had nothing to lose in pursuing the possibility with movement veterans. Why not ask the men and women who were on the ground? Perhaps they knew things that official histories simply did not record.

And so I first turned to my friend, Lawrence Guyot, whose prodigious memory and archive always proved useful and insightful. He was quite sure of it. I next turned to friend and constant benefactor to my students, Reverend Edwin King, the white Lieutenant Governor on the Freedom Vote ticket in She replied promptly; no, she knew of no such bodies either, but encouraged me to reach out to several others who might know.

One of those was Jackson Clarion Ledger journalist Jerry Mitchell, whose reporting on the Klan, including James Ford Seale, had helped put several men behind bars, and whose research was legendary. And yet the unnamed black bodies claim persisted—in scholarly sources, popular accounts, and documentary film. In their award-winning and critically acclaimed film, Neshoba: The Price of Freedom , Micki Dickoff and Tony Pagano chronicle the quest for justice in the murders of the three civil rights workers.

That is, while seven men were eventually convicted and served jail time for their roles in the conspiracy to murder Goodman, Schwerner, and Chaney, the mastermind of the operation, Baptist preacher and sawyer, Edgar Ray Killen, had never been convicted for his role in the murders. As his re trial approached, Killen granted the filmmakers unprecedented access to his wife, his home, and ultimately himself. But in telling the story of Goodman, Schwerner, and Chaney to a new generation of viewers, Dickoff and Pagano revisited some of the black bodies claims made by Dave Dennis and many others.

Unlike Dennis, Watkins had been outspokenly against the Summer Project arguing that it would undermine the fragile coalition-building that SNCC had been successfully doing with blacks in the Delta for more than two years. As many of his colleagues argued, a huge influx of educated and upwardly mobile whites would unalterably affect the racial landscape—organizationally and otherwise.

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Moreover, the Mississippi River was never dragged for bodies; the Pearl River was, certainly the Old River was, but never the Mississippi. Then or now.

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With the fiftieth anniversary celebration of Freedom Summer in , the missing black bodies claim only multiplied. But no journalist could name any names, give any places, detail any specifics of murdered black Mississippi men.

I was insecure. I think lots of young women especially are. I was also frightened for my life. I only learned later that while looking for the three missing young men, they found the bodies of eight other black men.

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Their hands were found. Their feet had been chopped off. They found body, after body, after body of Black men who had previously disappeared without any public outcry. Curry claimed that: While looking for the three civil rights workers in rivers and swamps, other black bodies were discovered.

The remains of five more black men were found, but never identified. The FBI opened an office there for the first time in two decades. So where are we in and beyond? Many authors claim there were no bodies beyond Goodman, Schwerner, and Chaney as well as Moore and Dee discovered during the forty-four day search; many movement veterans claim, no, there were several black bodies—reaching as high as two dozen; other movement veterans say, no, there were no other bodies discovered.

And journalists and filmmakers have offered differing versions of each of these accounts. I have no reason to believe otherwise. No doubt my incredulities say more about me than perhaps any grainy black and white images or a water-logged selective service card ever could. And because many in the country actually care about black bodies—and want to give them a name and a story.

And to see justice done in the wake of their deaths. Or murders. That reality, though, is tempered by one overweening fact, one that takes us back to Briarwood, the Old River, and the horrific murders of two black teens: Justice was forty-three years late; James Ford Seale served only the last four years of his life in prison for the premeditated murders of Charles Moore and Henry Dee. BlackLivesMatter is a powerful and defiant hashtag in our hyper-connected, one-hundred and forty character world. But even as we acknowledge and deploy it as such, we should note at least one additional rhetorical register: Its optimism.

To declare it, to type it, to wear its clothes, is to simultaneously hope for it—even, I would add, retroactively, as in the case of Moore, Dee, and the supposed missing black men of Today we insist on, and demand names of, gunned-down black men whose private deaths have almost instantaneously become public crucibles. Should we demand no less for our historical claims, especially when we do in fact have evidence as in the Charles Moore and Henry Dee case?

And minus that evidence, ought we to insist on an historical sensibility that always offers, at minimum, a name? Simply repeating the numbers—five black bodies, eight black bodies, thrown back black bodies—that we have inherited from our colleagues, movement veterans, journalists and filmmakers reinforces, ironically, the belief that black lives do not matter.

Surely we can do better. Surely we must. His current work includes a book-length project on Freedom Summer historiography and memory. A scratch gol-fer, Houck is also working on an ethnographic analysis of Augusta National and the Masters golf tournament. Mark L. Indiana University Northwest. David A. University of Oregon. The election of Barack Hussein Obama to the presidency of the U.

The image of Jacob wrestling with the Angel of God is one of the most powerful in scripture.

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We selected it to conclude our first essay, finding in it a proper frame for our struggle with American racism. The eleven years since the publication of our first article on Obama and race made the image even more poignant. Our task now is to draw from strategies and tactics that have worked in the past, and invent new ones to better achieve the aspirations of racial coherence and the need to resign and re sign the racial contract Mills.

Toward that end, we continue our dialogue in search for a coherent rhetoric on race, one that considers adaptive racism and aspires to rewrite the racial contract.

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As in our earlier essays, we draw upon diverse and sometimes divergent perspectives to explore the problems and possibilities of racial reconciliation in the twenty-first century. Can racism be remedied by rhetoric, or is it a problem constrained by the psychodynamics of a problematic moral epistemology characterized by material, spiritual, and epistemological incoherence 6?

In what follows we write together separately, with Mark McPhail extending his theory of adaptive racism and David Frank describing a rhetoric of adaptive antiracism. Heifetz describes an adaptive challenge as one grounded in an underlying, unacknowledged, or unspoken belief or set of assumptions. It challenges the widely held assumption that racism is a product of ignorance, or that it can be remedied through any technical means: Instead, it recognizes racism as a shame-based psychological phenomenon that is normative in Western societies by virtue of the counterfactual character of the moral and epistemological beliefs and values espoused and enacted by those societies.

In other words, guilt assumes that an individual has done something wrong: Shame assumes that the individual is essentially bad. The state of being an agent of the wrong, however, reinforces adaptive impulses and results in denial, projection, and an investment in innocence and moral neutrality.

As the historical agents of racism and the beneficiaries of the privileges it creates, whites know both consciously and unconsciously that their professed core beliefs , such as equality, freedom, and justice, do not cohere with their lived experiences in relation to nonwhites. Even more troubling, the attitudes and beliefs that undermined the Obama presidency have, I believe, fueled the rise of Donald Trump. These attitudes and beliefs are reflected both implicitly and explicitly in the rhetorical tactics of Donald Trump and his followers: The denial that President Obama was born in the U.

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