Crime and Security: Managing the Risk to Safe Shopping

Crime and Security: Managing the Risk to Safe Shopping

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Read the media statement. Have your say Share your views on projects, initiatives and plans for the sustainable growth and development of Western Australia. Share your views. Of course, people should not be subjected to inconvenient or annoying security precautions without such compensatory benefits. Nobody should have to endure this kind of cost Duff and Marshall , particularly as the deterrent value of these alarms has never been established.

In attempting to prevent fraud, insurance companies and government bureaucracies also sometimes unduly inconvenience people who are legitimately claiming benefits or compensation. In the world of commerce, business competition ensures that irksome and unnecessary precautions are quickly eliminated. In state-run or public enterprises lacking competition, other avenues exist for procuring change in tiresome rules, including elected representatives, the press, complaint lines, ombudsmen and other devices of a democratic state. The process of change may take longer, but the problem of bureaucratic roadblocks and delays is not unique to crime prevention.

At worst, a higher price will be paid for security, for longer than needed, but there is no reason to be saddled with unnecessary regimentation for ever. It is sometimes argued that citizens have a right to expect governments to protect them from crime Kleinig , but David Garland has described how governments have come increasingly to recognize that they cannot deliver public safety without considerable help from a variety of community partners.

These include ordinary members of the public who are increasingly enjoined to take some elementary precautions against crime. For example, tourists often ask whether it is safe to use the local taxis or to walk in the streets at night. It is also useful for car owners to know see Table 3. They can then decide whether the reduced risk is worth the effort of putting the car away.

In general, if people decide to take a known risk, they must bear some of the responsibility for the consequences. When risks are taken in blatant disregard of the costs for others, responsibility can shade into blame, as in the case of shopkeepers who refuse to alter practices — such as displays to encourage impulse purchases — that they know increase the risks of theft. Despite this, they might continue to expect the police and the courts to deal firmly with any shoplifters. Blaming and shaming them may be a way of getting these shops to change. This may be all the more important since many persistent shoplifters are feeding drug habits and negligent retailers may therefore be helping to fuel the drug trade.

Other business victims deserving their share of blame include managers of low-cost apartment complexes in the USA who increase the risks of crime to their own property and persons, and to that of other tenants, by failing to establish codes of conduct Clarke and Bichler-Robertson Some pubs create conditions that lead to drunken fights by failing to serve alcohol in a responsible manner or by employing aggressive bouncers Homel et al. And some convenience store owners save money, but expose their employees to robbery, by employing inexperienced and young staff at night Hunter and Jeffrey Blame as a tool of crime prevention can be used legitimately not just against these business victims, but also against those who produce criminogenic products.

Many cities in the USA are currently engaged in suing gun manufacturers for the irresponsible overproduction of weapons, which has led to enormous criminal justice and healthcare costs Fields ; Butterfield The British government shamed car manufacturers into improving vehicle security by publishing league tables of the most stolen cars Laycock and this approach is being broadened to include a wider range of criminogenic products Pease ; Ekblom, Chapter 8 , this volume; Clarke and Newman in press. From the start situational crime prevention has had an uneasy relationship with its parent discipline of criminology.

The first academic paper describing the approach criticized criminology for its dispositional bias and argued that explanations of crime would be incomplete unless situational factors were incorporated Clarke Though radical, this critique was not developed in detail and the paper went largely unnoticed by mainstream criminologists. In any case, criminologists have become accustomed to accommodating a wide range of theoretical explanations in their fragmented discipline and, despite its burgeoning literature and policy impact, most still seem to regard situational prevention as just one more perspective on crime, alongside many dozens of others.

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If covered at all, this is generally how it is treated in textbooks. As mentioned, some left-leaning criminologists are hostile to the approach, but most other criminologists seem to regard it as peripheral to their main interests. Consequently, few of the criticisms of situational prevention discussed in this paper have been spelt out in detail though they commonly arise in informal discussions.

The only in-depth critique mostly rather benign as it turns out is contained in von Hirsch et al. Consequently, the development of situational prevention has taken place in relative isolation from the remainder of criminology. This is to the detriment of both. Situational prevention has lacked the informed, critical commentary from outside its small group of adherents that would serve to refine it and help it fulfil its primary mission of reducing the harms of crime.

It has also turned its back on a highly effective form of crime control — one that also avoids many of the serious problems of formal sanctioning — to which it could have laid claim.

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So what does the future hold? It has too many crime reduction successes to ignore and these will grow as its links are strengthened with problem-oriented policing Tilley Its literature is too large including more than relevant Home Office reports and nearly 20 volumes of Crime Prevention Studies , a book series devoted to situational prevention. Its advocates including some contributors to this volume are a tightly knit group actively involved in research and teaching. Its consumers include a growing body of crime analysts and crime prevention specialists numbering in the hundreds if not thousands in local government and the police.

Its research future is guaranteed by the development of greatly improved databases on crime incidents, sophisticated crime mapping software and the growing availability of low-cost computing. There seems equally little prospect of situational prevention moving any closer to the centre-stage of criminology. Apart from the dissonances of causal theory, situational prevention does little to promote the welfarist, social reform agendas of most criminologists.

It also offends many of their attitudes, which include suspicion of governmental authority, distaste for business, fear of corporate power, distrust of wealth and sympathy for the criminal underdog. Most see their own roles as being simply to understand and explain crime, leaving others to draw out the policy implications.

In their view, situational prevention threatens to turn criminology into a technical discourse more in tune with the police and the security industry than with academia. Nor does it seem likely that the advocates of situational prevention, and those of related theories such as problem-oriented policing and CPTED crime prevention through environmental design , will remain content with their peripheral status in a discipline of which they are increasingly critical.

This is particularly the case now that an alternative is being offered them in crime science. When the trustees of the Jill Dando Fund decided to establish an academic department at University College, London, they were quite clear that this would not be merely another institute of criminology, conducting research on crime that might or might not have long-term implications for prevention. Rather, the Jill Dando Institute of Crime Science was founded to undertake work, including situational crime prevention, which would bring about immediate reductions in crime.

Many differences of emphasis exist between crime science and criminology in their missions, theories and methodologies Table 3. Universities are generally reluctant to establish new departments, but there are two reasons for thinking that crime science might be an exception. First, universities need increasingly to attract research funds.

If more academic departments of crime science were established in universities, with explicit crime reduction goals, they would be likely to win more research grants than conventional departments of criminology. This would almost certainly be true if they subsumed terrorism Table 3.

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Crime Prevention Studies Criminal Justice Press and Willan Publishing , of which 18 volumes have now been published, is a book series covering research and practice in situational crime prevention. We are using cookies to provide statistics that help us give you the best experience of our site. You can find out more in our Privacy Policy. By continuing to use the site you are agreeing to our use of cookies. Free trial voucher code.

Invalid Search. Enter keywords, authors, DOI etc. Search History. Search history from this session 0. Metrics Views 9. In This Chapter Seven misconceptions of situational crime prevention Situational prevention is simplistic and atheoretical The role of opportunity in crime The role of excuses and provocations Summary Situational prevention has not been shown to work: it displaces crime and often makes it worse Displacement and escalation Diffusion of benefits and anticipatory benefits Adaptation Evaluation strategies Situational prevention diverts attention from the root causes of crime Situational prevention is a conservative, managerial approach to crime Situational prevention promotes a selfish, exclusionary society The poor will suffer Gated communities Exclusion Situational crime prevention promotes Big Brother and restricts personal freedoms Situational prevention blames the victim Conclusions Selected further reading References.

Seven misconceptions of situational crime prevention Authored by: Ronald V. Abstract Situational crime prevention has its origins in research undertaken by the Home Office Research Unit in the s. It is simplistic and atheoretical It is based on three crime opportunity theories: routine activity, crime pattern and rational choice. It also draws on social psychology 2. It has not been shown to work; it displaces crime and often makes it worse Many dozens of case studies show that it can reduce crime, usually with little displacement 3.

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