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Except where it is sometimes successfully imposed by conquest, cultural transmission usually occurs due to a perceived utilitarian value on the part of those accepting the new ways of living and of seeing the world. Those Indonesians who could per- ceive such a benefit and who were also well placed to know some- thing of the world beyond their immediate vicinity were the new rulers and elites that rose with the states.
They could also access it, most probably by inviting Brahman priests to their courts. To the Indonesian rulers and elites, Indian rulers must have embodied the apotheosis of power, state majesty, wealth, and cultural sophistication. But their impulse to emulate Indian rulers was not merely a matter of self-aggrandizement. It was also driven by pragmatic motives that were as much spiritual as they were secular. The Indie conception of kingship as the embodiment of an essential link between heaven and earth provided powerful religious legitimation and greatly enhanced authority for a ruler.
Sometimes rulers took this as far as representing themselves as the embodiment of a god, as did Airlangga, the ruler of Mataram from to , who claimed to be the incarnation of Vishnu. No doubt the concept was convenient. But embracement of the con- cept and its proper implementation can also be regarded as merely responsible behavior on a ruler's part. At a time when belief in the supernatural dimension and its intimate relationship with the material world was unquestioned, it was regarded as incumbent upon rulers to do their utmost to maintain harmony and to nego- tiate between the two worlds on behalf of their people.
After all, according to both indigenous and Indie beliefs, it was they who were uniquely placed to do so.
Furthermore, according to the cir- cular logic intrinsic to these ideas, the evident power and wealth of Indian rulers proved the efficacy of their religious beliefs and inter- twined practice of statecraft. It was merely practical therefore for. Among other things, this entailed a responsibility for rulers to behave and to present themselves as a king should, but also an obligation for the people to respect the ruler's authority.
The state itself was a religious ritual and, like all religious rituals, had to be conducted properly for its propitiation objectives to be met, not merely for the sake of the ruler but also for the sake of the realm. It is difficult without a lot more evidence to judge how deeply Indie influences penetrated into Indonesian society.
Part of the problem is that many Indie ideas, such as those underlying king- ship, overlapped with ideas about the world already prevalent in Indonesia. Indeed, this is precisely why many Indie ideas were so readily accepted. Another part of the problem is that Indie ideas the same can be said for Indie technologies and art forms were not simply accepted, they were also assimilated.
The earli- est examples of Indonesian writing we know of, dating from the fourth century, is in South Indian Pallawa script. Usage of the script became widespread, but within a few centuries it evolved into a localized script known as Kawi.
Likewise, the stonemasonry skills involved are considered to be Indie in origin, as is the story the life of the Buddha that the panels depict. But the faces that look back at us from these exquisite carvings are Indonesian faces, and the details of everyday life and dress depicted are clearly indigenous. Similarly, literary forms of Indian origin such as the Mahabarata and the Ramayana were not merely reproduced, but were modi- fied or became material for indigenous literature.
For example, the famous Javanese epic poem the Arjunawiwaha The Marriage of Arjuna , composed in the Mataram court during the first half of the eleventh century, although based on the Mahabarata, is quint- essentially Javanese. Key Indie religious ideas were also modified for domestic con- sumption or were applied on a selective basis.
A prime example is the Hindu caste system, which in Indonesian contexts was never practiced with anywhere near the rigor and complexity that gen- erally pertains in India. Hindu and Buddhist ideas were often blended with each other and with indigenous beliefs to construct what was arguably a new belief system. For example, Kertanegara, the ruler of Singasari from to , established a syncretic cult. Even where Indie forms became dominant, they rarely totally eclipsed local elements. Moreover, the apparent domination of Indie elements was not always what it seemed.
In the famous Javanese wayang performance art form usually involving pup- pets , which utilizes episodes loosely drawn from the Mahabarata, new clown characters were introduced into the story, the best known of whom is Semar.
In the Javanese version the joke is that while he appears common, coarse, and foolish he is really a local god in disguise Ismaya, protector of the island of Java. Semar, despite his appearance, is more powerful as well as kinder and wiser than the Hindu gods who are otherwise central characters in the story. A closer look at the wayang reveals that the Indie ele- ments that appear so central are actually relatively unimportant: the wayang is a rich embodiment of Javanese values and culture. Our brief survey of the rise and fall of the Indic-influenced states of Indonesia in this period would be incomplete without some further mention of Majapahit: as the greatest state to exist in Indonesia before the late colonial period, it is often heralded as a precursor of the Republic of Indonesia.
After Airlangga's death, Mataram divided into two states, Kediri and Janggala. Kediri went on to become a powerful state in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, controlling the key ports in southwestern Borneo, Bali, and southern Sulawesi for a time. The mysterious adventurer, Ken Angrok, seized power in the smaller kingdom of Janggala and conquered Kediri in Having done so, he established a new capital at Kutaraja and renamed it Singasari, which also became the name of the state.
Majapahit emerged from Singasari in , a product of complex political conflicts involving rival princes within the Singasari dynasty and a punitive Mongol invasion force from China. The successful rider of these waves of domestic and international conflict and intrigue, Vijaya also known as Kertarajasa , established his new capital at Majapahit.
Majapahit, situated on the Brantas River plain, was better located than was its principal predecessor, Mataram.
Like Mataram, Majapahit had access to a significant rice surplus. But unlike Mataram, Majapahit. Moreover, located at the eastern end of Java, it was better placed to control access to the spices emanating from Maluku. This was important, as international demand for spices had risen dramatically. Majapahit made itself the supplier of Maluku spices to the world, acquiring them in exchange for rice. Majapahit also used its power to prevent rivals from accessing the spices. On the back of its strategic advan- tages Majapahit, also blessed by the astute statecraft of "Minister" Gadjah Mada from roughly to , sought to control the entire archipelago, including the remnants of Srivijaya.
The extent and degree of its power almost certainly never matched this ambi- tion, but there seems little doubt that for a time Majapahit exerted power and influence throughout the archipelago as no power had before it. As such it established a model of greatness to which many have aspired since and is an evocative "legend" of indigenous prowess and power, especially for the Javanese. The greatness resided not only in the realm of politics and power, but also in arts and culture.
For instance, during the Majapahit era, the great epic poem Nagarakertagama was composed probably in , and the Semar character was introduced into the wayang. The major exception to this phenomenon is Indonesia, which ironically today is home to the world's largest Muslim population. As far as we know, Islam made few if any Indonesian converts until around and was probably not the majority reli- gion in Indonesia before around The first indigenous Muslim community in the region that we are fairly certain about was in the port of Pasai in northern Sumatra in Trengganu, on the northeast- ern coast of the Malay Peninsula, seems to have been an indigenous Muslim state around Prominent perhaps royal indigenous Muslims were present at the Hindu-Buddhist Majapahit court from the s.
Demak northern coast of Central Java , Sulu the Philippines , and Ternate Maluku apparently adopted Islam during the second half of the fifteenth century. Early in the sixteenth century, Brunei northeastern Borneo , Banten, and Cirebon northwestern Java were Muslim, and by the end of the century other key points such as Buton southeastern Sulawesi had followed suit. Roughly up until the sixteenth century, Islam's presence in the region had been largely confined to coastal areas prominent in the trading network, but it seems to have begun spreading inland in some areas.
More key centers converted to Islam in the early seventeenth century, during which Islam also penetrated farther inland.
By around , Islam was dominant in most coastal areas of Indonesia except those toward the eastern end of the archipelago and had spread inland to most of Java and Sumatra. Since that time, Islam has continued to spread throughout Indonesia; indeed, it is still spreading today in remote parts of Kalimantan and Papua.
Some parts of Indonesia and some ethnic groups have largely rejected Islam, usually where they adopted Christianity, which arrived in Indonesia with Europeans in the sixteenth century. An important exception is the island of Bali, which has largely clung resolutely to its Balinese version of Hindu-Buddhist beliefs.
There is another dimension of the Islamization of Indonesia process that warrants mentioning. Alongside the geographical spread of the religion, there is a process whereby Indonesian Muslims, particu- larly over the last century, have deepened their overt commitment to the faith. The pace of the geographical spread may have slowed in recent decades, but at the same time the pace and intensity of the movement toward a deeper or more manifest commitment to the faith has increased markedly. Indonesians may have begun adopting Islam much earlier than the thirteenth century, but this is unlikely.
Assuming that the pro- cess did only begin around , then this raises two questions: why then and why not before? Arab traders, already a presence in the region long before the Prophet's time, increased markedly in number after most of the Arab world embraced Islam. Moreover, it was not long before that these Muslim Arab traders were joined in the region by Persian, Indian, and Chinese Muslims. Thus despite ample contact it appears that Islam initially held little appeal to Indonesians. Johns has pointed out, the period in which Indonesians began to adopt Islam coincides with the period when Sufi forms of Islam became popular throughout the Islamic world.