The Progressive Army: US Army Command and Administration, 1870–1914

History of the Canadian Army

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If you are a seller for this product, would you like to suggest updates through seller support? In the late nineteenth and early 20th centuries a modern, professional army was created in America.

This was achieved in a nation which was traditionally hostile to the twin concepts of military professionalism and powerful central government. This major change in American life was accomplished by a few army officers and key Republican politicians influenced by the economic success of US business in the late nineteenth century. These individuals sought to create a national management structure served by professionals in the army and in government which challenged Jeffersonian and Jacksonian notions of local democracy controlled by amateurs.

The political victory of these army officers and politicians created an American Empire, defended by central government, which was served by a professional military structure. These changes had a lasting impact on US defense and foreign relations throughout much of the 20th century. This text should, therefore, appeal to those interested in the progressive era, American military history, and US foreign relations in the first half of the 20th century. Read more Read less. About the Author Ronald J.

Militarism

To get the free app, enter mobile phone number. See all free Kindle reading apps. Tell the Publisher! Today, state violence has manifested itself in daily public displays of police brutality and violence against citizens. This endemic use of state force has become so bad that a recent report from the UN Human Rights Council noted concerns "for police violence and racial discrimination" in the U. This rampant use of state violence against U. In the age of the Global War on Terror, the U. The case of Anwar al-Awlaki, an American citizen who was killed via drone strike in Yemen in , provides a notable example of this.

Since al-Awlaki, the U. In looking at the state's in this case, the U. Group violence manifests itself in numerous citizens joining together in a common cause to perpetrate violence against other citizens who in some way fit the intended target of that cause. When discussing group violence, it should be noted that the subjects are non-state actors.

While these groups may be directly or indirectly supported by the state, they essentially carry out their acts of violence as groups autonomous from the state apparatus. The Ku Klux Klan which is currently attempting to make a comeback [22] has for decades engaged in numerous acts of group violence, from public lynchings to terrorism and coercion to bombing churches.

In many cases, because they may share interests, group violence intertwines with and complements state violence. During Reconstruction following the U. Civil War, the KKK had well-known ties to the more official southern state apparatus of power.

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In the modern era, white supremacists who adhere to notions of group violence have purposely and strategically infiltrated formal arms of state violence, including both the U. Like the Klan, these groups seek to maintain a race-based, social status quo that benefits their own group. In the polls, they seek to gain some influence on the use of state violence, whereas on the streets they adhere to group violence and domestic terrorism.

A difference worth noting between the old-school group violence of the Klan and the new-school group violence or at least contributing to an atmosphere of violence that neo-fascists encourage and enact is that the new-school violence has been legitimized in many ways by both the media and the public at-large. In other words, we now have large segments of the population who are openly defending the neo-fascists through legitimizing means. Back in the heyday of the Klan, there was violence, yet no one defended it under the banner of free speech or attempted to legitimize it through mainstream channels.

It was certainly supported by mainstream power structures, and even gained steam through the insidious white supremacy which characterized American culture, but it wasn't openly defended. The KKK often carried out its operations in a clandestine manner, attacking and terrorizing at night, and wearing hoods to maintain anonymity.

And many black people actively took up arms to defend themselves against it.

An example of this changing paradigm regarding right-wing extremism and group violence could be seen after a recent fight between Neo-Nazis and antifascists in Sacramento, California in late June Sacramento police chief Sam Somers stated that "Regardless of the message, it's the skinheads' First Amendment right to free speech. Saunders, a columnist for the San Francisco Chronicle , wrote in an article that "the bullies who were protesting against fascists seemed to have a lot in common with fascists - they're also thuggish and simpleminded" and that "An informal army of anarchists uses violence to muzzle unwanted speech.

There are a number of problems with these statements. First, by defending fascists through arguments couched in free speech, such commentators are not only ignoring the underlying group-violence historically perpetrated by these groups, but also misusing the First Amendment itself. The First Amendment states that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

In other words, the Constitution of the United States applies strictly to the government and how it relates to its citizens , whereas the laws created by the government apply to the individuals and how they relate to the government. Then there is the matter of ignoring power dynamics and creating a false equivalence.

These responses create the illusion that each side is doing something negative and so neither side should be supported.

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This ignores the fact that one side the neo-nazis and fascists are assembling with the purpose of oppressing others, while the other side the anti-fa and anarchists are assembling to stop violently, if necessary the one side from oppressing. While the former adheres to violent means to oppress people based on the color of their skin, or their sexuality, or their Jewish heritage, the latter adheres to violent means to resist this oppression, or essentially oppress the oppressor. To equate their motivations is irresponsible and dangerous.

This false equivalence that has been deployed by much of the media, both liberal and conservative, amounts to placing a murderous and whip-lashing slave owner in the same light as a rebelling slave who murders the slave owner to gain freedom. By using this hypothetical, it is easy to see that there is a fundamental difference between violence and counter-violence. Another side effect of this public defense of the oppressor, and subsequent legitimization of group violence, is that it is used to increase state violence.

In a climate where life isn't valued, life will be lost. And, when used in this context, the deployment of state violence will almost always be directed at those who assemble to stop oppressive group violence, because arguments housed in free speech and false equivalencies erase any and all distinctions between violence and counter-violence. This is where the connection between state and group violence often manifests itself.

In Soperton, GA in , "the sheriff did not bother to investigate when four men where flogged, while the sheriff of nearby Dodge County couldn't look into the incident" [34] due to his being busy baby-sitting. There is also the famous case of the Freedom Riders, three Civil Rights activists who were killed by the Klan, which amounted to three individuals being "arrested by a deputy sheriff and then released into the hands of Klansmen who had plotted their murders. This connection has yet to end.

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In , in Florida, two police officers in the town of Fruitland Park were linked to the Klan [36] and in in Lake Arthur, LA, a detective was a found to be a Klan member and even attended one of the group's rallies. These connections allow for the state, and all the power and resources it wields, to be used directly to further the ends of white supremacy and empower fascistic, racist group violence in the streets.

It also puts racial minorities from within the working class at greater risks since many of these bigoted individuals who carry out group violence on their own time are also allowed to carry out state violence while on the job. It is also resistance to encroachment on the land by oppressive forces, such as in the case of indigenous resistance to expansionist Americans.

Revolutionary violence may come in different forms and be carried out through various means. It includes everything from individual acts of "propaganda by the deed" to large-scale revolutions against a state. Examples of revolutionary violence are abound throughout history, and include the slave revolts of Spartacus and Nat Turner, the Reign of Terror against the French monarchy, the Spanish revolt against the fascist Franco regime, Alexander Berkman's attempted murder of Carnegie Steel manager Henry Clay Frick, the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, Reconstruction-era blacks taking up arms against the KKK, the Mau Maus in Kenya [38] , the Cuban revolution [39] , and a number of national liberation movements in the mid-twentieth century that occurred around the world.

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Revolutionary violence is different from state and group violence in that it manifests itself as a response to violence often stemming from one of these two opposing sources. For this reason, it is strictly counter-violent or defensive in nature, designed to break the violent oppression that its adherents find themselves under.

The benefit of being able to deploy revolutionary violence is obvious in that it allows the oppressed to strike back at their oppressors. It is in this beneficial scenario where the question of guns and "gun control" come back into the mix. How are people supposed to free themselves, or even defend themselves from state and group violence, if they are unable to have guns? How are people able to protect themselves from oppressive violence if they do not have access to the same weaponry used by their oppressor?

When faced with systemic violence that is rooted in either a direct extension of the state police, military or an indirect extension of the power structure the KKK, the Oath Keepers, neo-Nazis, neo-fascists , written laws constructed by the same state and power structure aren't typically useful. And when doubled-down on by media and liberal establishment cries of free speech and false equivalencies, oppressed sectors of the population become even more vulnerable to state and group violence.

Often times, armed self-defense becomes the only option to protect oneself, one's family, and one's community from these deeply embedded, existential threats. Formulating revolutionary counter-violence and self-defense measures became a staple of the American Civil Rights movement.

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From Malcolm X's calls to defend the black community "by any means necessary" to the original Black Panther Party's organizational emphasis on armed self-defense, the Civil Rights movement as a whole gained strength due to these more militant strains centered around revolutionary violence. Williams, a Marine Corps vet, took over the Monroe, North Carolina chapter of the NAACP and strengthened it with militancy by "filing for a charter with the National Rifle Association NRA ," forming the Black Guard, "an armed group committed to the protection of Monroe's black population," and delivering weapons and physical training to its members.

If it is necessary for us to kill we must be willing to kill.

Revolutionary violence often finds itself up against difficult odds, being deployed by marginalized peoples with limited resources against powerful state and group entities with seemingly unlimited resources, professional military training, and advantageous positioning within the given power structure.

The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising reflected this exact scenario, as a Jewish resistance in the hundreds, armed with handguns, grenades, and Molotov cocktails faced off against the powerful Nazi paramilitary Schutzstaffel SS. When reflecting on the uprising over two decades later, one of the Jewish survivors, Yitzhak Zuckerman, encapsulated the need for an oppressed and degraded people to strike back:.

This was a war of less than a thousand people against a mighty army and no one doubted how it was likely to turn out. This isn't a subject for study in military school. If there's a school to study the human spirit, there it should be a major subject. The important things were inherent in the force shown by Jewish youth after years of degradation, to rise up against their destroyers, and determine what death they would choose: Treblinka or Uprising.

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This human spirit referred to by Zuckerman is the same that compelled Nat Turner to take up arms against slave-owning whites, the same that led to the formation of the original Black Panther Party, and the same that motivated Robert F. Williams in s North Carolina. Without access to weapons, this human spirit would result in nothing more than gruesome massacres at the hands of state and group violence.

With weapons in hand, this spirit is presented with a chance to stunt pending attacks of physical oppression and terrorism, if not repel them.

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