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The result is a joy to the reader for all the reasons it may be a horror for the scholar. Given his record of scholarly achievement, though, such sins can be forgiven.
The American President is an enthralling account of American presidential actions from the assassination of William McKinley in to Bill Clinton's last night. to these same lands, however, took decades for courts to reject, facilitated by the non-intervention of a populist- leaning mayor's office and generally supportive.
His approach — more than a cursory survey — is evident in his trifecta chapter on the Republican presidents who filled the s, forgettable or failed figures as they were. He paints Harding as a man "pathetically cognizant of his inadequacy''; Calvin Coolidge as "a poor communicator not because he was silent but because he had so little to impart''; and Herbert Hoover as a victim of his own early business and philanthropic success: "Seeing himself as a dispassionate engineer operating with the precision of a slide rule, he trapped himself in doctrine.
Leuchtenburg characterizes the three presidencies of the s as a time when "the expansion of the presidency all but ground to a halt.
Leuchtenburg makes the unfamiliar but unforgettable point that Coolidge and Hoover were nasty fellows in private. Perhaps the best quote of the book: Hoover's reference to a senator as "the only verified example of a negative I.
In this volume Leuchtenburg, who has defined FDR in the American pantheon, credits him for altering "the very nature of political discourse in the United States,'' for fashioning "the only long-lasting realignment of the 20th century,'' and for crafting "the template for how a modern chief executive was expected to perform.
These expectations shaped Harry Truman "this ill-tempered, lackluster provincial'' who would excel in foreign relations, civil rights, and would "leave a larger legacy of new institutions in the executive branch than any other president'' , Dwight Eisenhower a popular president who "has fared even better with posterity than he did with his contemporaries'' , John Kennedy "a negligible impact on the institution of the executive office'' , and Lyndon Johnson a legislative magus who nonetheless "bears a large share of the blame for the devastation and loss of life'' of Vietnam.
Leuchtenburg credits Richard Nixon for giving "history more than a nudge'' and for playing a major role in moving the country "from credulity to cynicism'' and argues that "little of consequence'' took place in the Gerald Ford years.
Jimmy Carter is dismissed, memorably, as "the village scold. Page counts may be unreliable measures of presidential significance, but despite his disapproval of Ronald Reagan, Leuchtenburg devotes only five fewer pages 94 to him than to FDR But in those pages he argues that Reagan "contributed nothing at all to the literature of statecraft, [and] offered false reassurance of the sort peddled by patent medicine salesmen.
He is not as approving of George H.
Bush as Jon Meacham is in his new biography of the 41st president. He concludes with Bill Clinton, whose achievements he minimizes in comparison with his impeachment, a permanent stain on his record and legacy. This tour de force of a tour d'horizon concludes with a stern warning about what he describes as "the dark underside'' of our presidents: "Too often, they have wasted the lives of our children in foreign ventures that should never have been undertaken.
They are both the progenitors and the victims of inflated expectations, and when they overreach, they need to be checked. And as the voting approaches, caveat emptor. By William E. Volume , Issue The full text of this article hosted at iucr. If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account.
Bush inherited an economic boom and soaring political stature from his predecessor Ronald Reagan. Grant Rutherford B. Copyright Office. But for economic historians, he will forever live in infamy as the president that reinstituted federal income taxes and created an income-tax division within the Bureau of Internal Revenue which eventually became the Internal Revenue Service. The more than plus pages on FDR alone would make a fine book, and taken as a whole, this work sheds new light on a political history elusive for many students and young scholars.
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