Contents:
People who say Muslim Americans are not loyal to the U. Overall, though, majorities of Americans who say Muslim Americans are loyal or not loyal to the U.
Those who say Muslim Americans are not loyal to the U. Those who say Muslim Americans are loyal to the U. Two-thirds of Americans surveyed in this particular study say that religion is an important part of their daily lives. Gallup collected data in from representative samples in Germany, France, and the U. And while majorities of the adults in these countries agree that people from minority groups enrich the cultural life of their nations, sizable minorities of these respondents express fear about certain aspects of Muslim culture.
Only the general population in the U. The Muslim populations in France, Germany, and the U. Generally, people in these countries are more likely to say they would not like Muslims as neighbors than they are to say the same about Jews, Christians, atheists, blacks, and Asians. An exception exists in the U. Significant proportions of the French, German, and British publics consider different Muslim practices and relationships threatening.
Among Muslims in each of these three countries, those in France and Germany are significantly more likely than the general population to say they experienced discrimination in the past year. Proportions of the general populations in these three countries are reluctant to have Muslims as neighbors. This reluctance manifests itself in people's decisions of whether or not to live in diverse communities. However, individuals living in mixed communities might be most open to those different from themselves, and least likely to be Islamophobic. Significant percentages of each population, though, say their neighborhoods are made up of a mix of people, including those who share their ethnic and religious backgrounds and others who do not.
Gallup studied more closely what types of neighborhoods people in each of these three European countries say they would live in if they could. In Germany, France, and the U. Additionally, isolated respondents in Germany, the U. The same holds true when considering whether they would want immigrants or foreign workers as their neighbors. Isolated people in France, the U.
Conversely, people are more likely to say the wearing of the hijab is an enrichment to European culture as they move from isolated to tolerant to integrated, as measured by the Religious Tolerance Index. Within key Western societies, there are genuine negative perceptions, prejudices, and discriminations targeted against Muslims.
Seeing Muslims as not loyal, voicing prejudice against Muslims, and avoiding Muslims as neighbors are all symptoms of Islamophobia that exist in the West. However, these feelings do not characterize Western countries. They are generally shared by a subset of the general population, though they exist in substantial enough numbers to draw both attention and concern. The very existence of Islamophobia is something to be addressed. The degree to which individuals expressing Islamophobia have particular views of Muslims in their communities, Muslims globally, and Islam as a religion is genuine and quantifiable with measurable outcomes.
Subscribe to receive weekly Gallup News alerts. Never miss our latest insights.
Notice: JavaScript is not enabled. Please Enable JavaScript Safely. Introduction A phobia , according to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, is an exaggerated, usually inexplicable and illogical fear of a particular object, class of objects, or situation. Researchers and policy groups define Islamophobia in differing detail, but the term's essence is essentially the same, no matter the source: An exaggerated fear, hatred, and hostility toward Islam and Muslims that is perpetuated by negative stereotypes resulting in bias, discrimination, and the marginalization and exclusion of Muslims from social, political, and civic life.
Data reported from [4] Looking specifically at data from the U.
Data reported from and [5] Several elements can affect the interactions and degree of respect between Muslim and Western societies. Data reported from [6] Religion and culture outpace politics across all regions surveyed as the root cause of tension between Muslim and Western worlds. Data reported from Research in a subset of majority-Muslim countries from within the MENA region, though, finds that more than one-half do not agree that Muslims in the West are treated as equal citizens.
Data reported from and Majorities of representative populations within majority-Muslim countries globally say each of five actions Western societies could take are very important to showing respect to Muslim societies. Data reported from Prejudice According to "Fear, Inc. Data reported from and People who display a personal prejudice toward Muslims are not negative about religion in general or minority religions overall. Data reported from and Gallup finds Muslim Americans, however, are among the most integrated religious groups in the U.
From the combination of their answers, Gallup classifies populations as: Isolated: Isolated individuals tend not to be members of any particular faith group, but if they are, they tend to believe in the truth of their perspective above all others. Data reported from and As Americans' self-proclaimed prejudice toward Muslims increases, so too does the likelihood of claiming the Republican party as their political affiliation.
Data reported from and Loyalty to the United States Gallup asked Americans whether they think Muslim Americans are loyal or not loyal to the U. Data reported from Overall, one-third of Americans say they think Muslim countries have a very unfavorable opinion of the U. Data reported from Only the general population in the U. Data reported from Significant proportions of the French, German, and British publics consider different Muslim practices and relationships threatening. Addressing Islamophobia by Bringing People Closer Together Proportions of the general populations in these three countries are reluctant to have Muslims as neighbors.
In France, people are most likely to want to live in neighborhoods with a mix of people of varying religious and ethnic backgrounds, regardless of where they currently live. Sign Up. The RAS project sends periodic e-mail notices of updates to the dataset and of new publications using the data.
This volume describes the main characteristics of contemporary European Islam. Following an outline of the historical background and some. "The book can be said to be something of a "must read" for everyone interested in European Islam, and in relationships between Muslim communities and their.
To be added to the mailing list please contact Jonathan Fox click here to email. Boulder, CO: Lyne Reinner, Carsten Anckar. Driessen, Michael D.
Feryal M. Jonathan Fox. Jonathan Fox, ed. Grzymala-Busse, Anna.
Church religion and religiosity in Central and Eastern Europe. Buckley, David T. DOI: Henne, Peter S. Mantilla, Luis F. Mataic Dane R. Kang, Alice J. Mataic, Dane R. Alexander, Kathryn J. Roger Finke, Dane R. Budde, Emma T. In the Closed-borders scenario Austria seals its borders and international migration comes to a halt by In the first projection period —, the low-migration scenario of Statistik Austria serves as a reference for the migration volume with average numbers of , immigrants and , emigrants per year until , with the flows being composed of a considerable share of immigrants from non-European countries, similar to what was observed in — In the High-immigration scenario , Austria is more permissive to immigration and the number of immigrants follows the High-immigration scenario of Statistik Austria which projects a migration volume with average numbers of , immigrants and , emigrants per year—numbers which are substantially higher than in the past , immigrants and 85, emigrants on average per year between and The European mobility scenario and the Diversity scenario are linked to the medium-convergence narrative meaning that the TFRs of women across all religious groups would converge in — to a level of 1.
The Closed-borders scenario is combined with the fast-convergence narrative where we assume the same TFRs for all women as early as — This scenario results in the lowest fertility level for Muslims and highest for other religious groups to a level of 1. Similar to the approach adopted for the reconstruction, mortality rates across religious affiliations are kept identical. In the scenarios European mobility and Diversity , we assume constant secularisation rates based on the estimates for — until the end of the projection period.
Immigration from abroad to Austria: top countries of birth and the number of immigrants in the respective periods. Austrians returning back to the country after having lived abroad are one of the largest groups ranking within the top three countries of birth in all three periods.
However, since this group is not in the focus of migration policy measures, it is not displayed in Table 2. Religious composition in Austria, — All four projection scenarios confirm that religious homogeneity would further diminish.
High immigration would result in the largest religious diversity with a smaller representation of both Roman Catholics and unaffiliated persons. All scenarios show an increase in minority religions Muslims and Orthodox , composed mainly of immigrants. The increase in Muslim population would be slightly smaller in the Diversity scenario. The High-immigration scenario illustrates how significant immigration flows may work against the secularisation trend. The high influx of immigrants from societies where religion is still highly relevant would depress the relative share of the unaffiliated, unless the immigrants themselves secularise at a similar rate as the host population.
This is the result of the scenario assumptions envisaging mainly a diversification of religions in Austria to occur through the expansion of already established and growing religious communities such as Orthodox and Muslims, coming from a set of presently sending countries.
The vitality of religious communities does not only depend on group size 16 but also on the age composition. Youthful religious groups have more potential for further growth. Population ageing will be a reality for all religious groups in Austria, and the share of the elderly population would grow among all religious groups in all scenarios. In this sense, population ageing is inevitable and could not be reversed under the envisaged scenarios. However, immigration could alter the pace of ageing and slow down the decline in the share of the young population.
In all but the Closed-borders scenario would the share of young Orthodox increase by 5—10 percentage points pp compared to a scenario with zero migration Fig. Among all religious groups, international migration has the most significant effect on the age structure of Protestants. The several scenarios with their diverse migration flows and compositions lead to very different futures.
These two scenarios would also lead to a sustained, and in the first years even slightly increased, share of young members. Although the European mobility and the High-immigration scenarios would both sustain a younger Protestant population than in the absence of migration, there is a substantial variation in the diversity within the Protestant group. While the European mobility scenario would bring in mostly new Protestants from long-established Evangelic churches such as Lutherans and Calvinists , the High-immigration scenario would potentially greatly diversify the Protestant community.