The Rise and Fall of Arab Presidents for Life

The Rise and Fall of Arab Presidents for Life: With a New Afterword
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    • The rise and fall of Arab presidents for life / Roger Owen..

    The rapid fall of some of these regimes can be attributed to the poor economic and political decisions that ultimately caused higher unemployment levels and the lack of basic goods and services, all a side-effect of market interference through state-sanctioned private monopolies and biased cronyism.

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    Zeyno Baran. Butler and Krista J. No other book solely addresses this topic or examines it with the same scope or historical depth. Could it be that it was the Tamarrod activists themselves who, having got millions of Egyptians to sign a petition in support of one clear demand, then managed, during the demonstration itself, to convert this demand into something else? Document type :. Almost certainly they did so because it had been their own undeclared objective for some time.

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    As a user in the EEA, your approval is needed on a few things. To provide a better website experience, owlcation. Please choose which areas of our service you consent to our doing so. Michael Ttappous more. Do you believe that all Arab Presidents for Life will fall and not pass their power on to their children?

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    The Rise and Fall of Arab Presidents for Life exposes for the first time the origins and dynamics of a governmental system that largely defined the Arab Middle. The Rise and Fall of Arab Presidents for Life: With a New Afterword [Roger Owen] on giuliettasprint.konfer.eu *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Monarchical.

    This is used to provide data on traffic to our website, all personally identifyable data is anonymized. The centralized state systems in Egypt, Tunisia, and Syria created security states devoted to long-term economic and social development managed by a single leader, whose skills and personality placed him above all others, and allowed him to rule more or less unchecked.

    The rise and fall of Hosni Mubarak

    Examining political and economic structures from the monarchies of Jordan and Morocco to the tribal republics of Libya, Sudan, and Yemen, Owen suggests that despite their different histories, they emulated the same type of authoritarian government. Furthermore, Arab leaders learned from one another how to concentrate their power and prolong their rule until their sudden fall in Owen reveals how the Arab Spring demonstrates the inherent contradictions and weaknesses in the regimes, showing how their creation and fall resulted from modern political and economic circumstances.

    For example, he argues, the "fact that similar practices--the use of a National Pact and an election law to define 'legitimate' opposition, as well as decisions as to roughly how many opposition candidates might be allowed to 'win'--were to be found in Egypt, Jordan, and later, Morocco is testimony not just to an Arab demonstration effect but also to the perceived utility of practices that combined regime security with an opportunity to scare local populations with the threat of what might happen if Islamic parties were allowed to contest every seat" p.

    The inclusion of monarchies in that list alerts us that Owen detects some important commonalities in strategies and practices between some of the non-republican authoritarian regimes and their presidential neighbors, and he devotes chapter 7 to Jordan, Morocco, Bahrain, and Oman.

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    He concludes that "Kings rule like presidents" in most practical respects, with the significant difference of possessing a "different authority" and "the quality of being slightly above the fray" as well as following the principle of hereditary succession pp. That discussion sets up an analysis in chapter 8 of the emergence of the peculiar phenomenon of the hereditary republic, whereby the establishment of strong presidential rule, consolidated in a small inner circle and maintained by minimal delegation, led to concerns about succession and a preference for grooming close family members for power.

    Here he develops two arguments, discussing mainly the actual succession of Bashar Al-Assad in Syria and the expected, but aborted, succession of Gamal Mubarak in Egypt, although he also considers four other republics.

    The Rise and Fall of Arab Presidents for Life

    The first argument is that "the expectation of a family succession affected every part of the political process"; the second is that, despite the intention of producing security and predictability for elites, family succession "if mishandled or if it was simply allowed to go on too long, Egypt and Tunisia both provide ample evidence of the latter effect.

    The succession in Syria both provided a template for hereditary republican succession and provided opponents with "an alarming list of the negative costs involved in family succession," including corruption in particular p. Apart from the peculiarity of the hereditary republican form, to the extent that Owen finds exceptionalism in the region, it is in the issue of strategic rent: a particular authoritarian political structure that was not unique to the region--one-party postcolonial states, planned development, wealth redistribution--was made exceptionally robust and sustainable due to "the degree to which its regimes were able to obtain significant resources, directly or indirectly, from oil and Cold War aid" p.

    Due to the strategic importance of the region, presidential regimes were able to extract rents from superpower sponsors and even from the conservative monarchies, particularly Saudi Arabia.

    Arab Winter, Arab Spring

    Despite ideological differences, the Saudi royals preferred to deal with the known quantity and presumed stability of established de facto presidents-for-life than with uncertain change, finding common cause with them in issues such as promoting "moderate" Islam against Islamist radicalism: hence a "very real sense of distress when some of these old friends like Ben Ali and Mubarak were overthrown" p.

    This is a study of comparative political development over the course of a half-century or more. It is necessarily broad, relying on secondary sources. Owen draws on the work of political scientists, political psychologists, historians, and other observers of the region, as well as personal communications and his own observations as a student of the region's politics for several decades.

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    The subject matter as well as the scope resist archival or other modes of more detailed inquiry, and at several points he concedes that elements of the account can only be based upon speculation or thought experiments. An example is Owen's analysis, in the conclusion, of the "mirror state" surrounding Qaddafi.

    While there is much strong, well-supported argument throughout the book on the institutional structures common across the region's republics, Owen notes that "the particular contribution of each president's own personality, and of the way this helped to shape the final outcome, can only be guessed at, given the almost complete lack of the necessary information on which such an exercise in biography must be based" p.